President Nixon with Bebe Rebozo (left) and J. Edgar Hoover (center)
at the "Florida White House". Credit: National Archives.
Seared into the memories of all Americans who lived through the assassination of President John F. Kennedy is exactly where they were on November 22, 1963. Yet private citizen Richard Nixon, who — believe it or not — was in Dallas, could not recall this fact in a post-assassination interview with the FBI. The interview dealt with an apparently false claim by Marina Oswald that her husband —alleged Kennedy assassin Lee Harvey Oswald — had targeted Nixon for death during an earlier trip to Dallas. A Feb. 28, 1964 FBI report on the interview said Nixon "advised that the only time he was in Dallas, Texas, during 1963 was two days prior to the assassination of President John F. Kennedy."
While Nixon eventually came clean regarding his whereabouts on that fateful day, he seemed touchy whenever the matter was raised. For example, in a 1992 interview with CNN's Larry King, Nixon interjected he was in Dallas "In the morning!" when King cited the presumed geographical coincidence. Nixon left Dallas on a flight to New York several hours before Kennedy's noontime arrival at Love Field.
Not only did Nixon misremember where he was on November 22nd, he made at least two conflicting statements about how he first learned his archrival had been shot. In a 1964 Reader's Digest article, he recalled hailing a cab after his Dallas-New York flight: "We were waiting for a light to change when a man ran over from the street corner and said that the President had just been shot in Dallas." In November of 1973, however, Nixon said in Esquire that his cabbie "missed a turn somewhere and we were off the highway...a woman came out of her house screaming and crying. I rolled down the cab window to ask what the matter was and when she saw my face she turned even paler. She told me that John Kennedy had just been shot in Dallas."
In yet another curious twist, a November 22nd wire service photo of Nixon indicates he might even have learned of the shooting before his cab ride. In the photo, a glum-looking Nixon, hat in lap, is sitting in what appears to be an airline terminal. The caption on the United Press International photo reads: "Shocked Richard Nixon, the former vice president who lost the presidential election to President Kennedy in 1960, is shown Friday after he arrived at Idlewild Airport in New York following a flight from Dallas, Tex., where he had been on a business trip."
In the 1992 King interview, Nixon maintained he'd never had any interest in digging into the JFK assassination: "I don't see a useful purpose in getting into that and I don't think it's frankly useful for the Kennedy family to constantly raise that up again."
Nixon's professed disinterest doesn't ring true, however, for it came from one of our snoopiest chief executives — a politician who just relished investigations, spying, secrets, and conspiracies. As Nixon aide John Ehrlichman once observed: "He was a conspiracy buff. He liked intrigue, and he liked secret maneuverings of the FBI, and he liked to hear about what the CIA did, and so on. He just couldn't leave that stuff alone."
As for Nixon's stated compassion for the Kennedys, let's not forget that he deeply despised them. So much so that, as president, he ordered chief White House spy E. Howard Hunt to forge diplomatic cables to make it look like President Kennedy ordered the murder of South Vietnamese leader Ngo Dinh Diem. He sent another spy, Anthony Ulasewicz, to Chappaquiddick, Mass., to investigate the 1969 crash of a car driven by Edward Kennedy that killed the senator's female companion. He placed Sen. Kennedy under a 24-hour-a-day Secret Service surveillance in an effort, in Nixon's phrase, "to catch him in the sack with one of his babes." And Nixon pressed aides to plant a false story in the press linking Sen. Kennedy to the 1972 assassination attempt against Alabama Gov. George Wallace.
What did Nixon do in Dallas? He arrived on Nov. 20 to attend a board meeting of the Pepsi Cola Company, one of his law clients. Dallas reporter Jim Marrs says Nixon and actress Joan Crawford, a Pepsi heiress, "made comments to the effect that they, unlike the president, didn't need Secret Service protection, and they intimated the nation was upset with Kennedy's policies. It has been suggested that this taunting may have been responsible for Kennedy's critical decision not to order the Plexiglas top placed on his limousine on Nov. 22."
When adviser Stephen Hess saw Nixon that same afternoon at the former vice president's New York apartment, he said Nixon was "pretty shook up." Hess later portrayed his boss to political reporter Jules Witcover as unusually defensive about his pre-assassination comments in Dallas: "He had the morning paper, which he made a great effort to show me, reporting he had held a press conference in Dallas and made a statement that you can disagree with a person without being discourteous to him or interfering with him. He tried to make the point that he had tried to prevent it … It was his way of saying, ‘Look, I didn't fuel this thing.'"
What Nixon apparently failed to tell Hess was that the major story from his meeting with reporters in Dallas was certain to fuel the anger of some Texans toward Kennedy. The headline in the Dallas Morning News on November 22 said: "Nixon Predicts JFK May Drop Johnson." Vice President Lyndon Johnson was, of course, a Texan.
On the morning after the assassination, Nixon convened a meeting of Republican leaders at his New York apartment. Those assembled were "already assessing how this event would affect or recreate the possibilities of Nixon running for president," according to Hess.
Boasting that he was the mastermind of a Mob/CIA plot to kill President Kennedy, Chicago godfather Sam Giancana told relatives he was in Dallas on Nov. 22, 1963 to supervise that plot. Giancana claimed that both "Richard Nixon and Lyndon Johnson knew about the whole damn thing"— adding that he had met with both future presidents in Dallas "immediately prior to the assassination."
Giancana's half-bother Chuck and nephew Sam claimed in their 1992 book Double Cross that the Mafia don had a long, warm, and mutually rewarding relationship with Nixon that dated back to the 1940s. In those times, Giancana was helping Chicago Syndicate boss Anthony Accardo consolidate the city's rackets and gambling operations, and Nixon was a freshman congressman from California. In recounting for his relatives a big favor the congressman did for Giancana back then, the gangster established a direct link between Nixon and a Chicago hoodlum who later moved to Texas and went on to shoot Lee Harvey Oswald: "Nixon's done me some favors, all right, got us some highway contracts, worked with the unions and overseas. And we've helped him and his CIA buddies out, too. Shit, he even helped my guy in Texas, (Jack) Ruby, get out of testifying in front of Congress back in forty-seven … By sayin' Ruby worked for him."
A 1947 memo, found in 1975 by a scholar going through a pile of recently released FBI documents, supports Giancana's contention. In the memo, addressed to a congressional committee investigating organized crime, an FBI assistant states: "It is my sworn testimony that one Jack Rubenstein of Chicago ... is performing information functions for the staff of Congressman Richard Nixon, Republican of California. It is requested Rubenstein not be called for open testimony in the aforementioned hearings." (Later in 1947, Rubenstein moved to Dallas and shortened his last name.) The FBI subsequently called the memo a fake, but the reference service Facts on File considers it authentic.
Undercover work for the young Congressman Nixon would have been in keeping with Ruby's history as a police tipster and government informant. In 1950, Ruby gave closed-door testimony to Estes Kefauver's special Senate committee investigating organized crime. Committee staffer Luis Kutner later described Ruby as "a syndicate lieutenant who had been sent to Dallas to serve as a liaison for Chicago mobsters." In exchange for Ruby's testimony, the FBI is said to have eased up on its probe of organized crime in Dallas. In 1959, Ruby became an informant for the FBI.
Ruby's old Chicago boss, Giancana, was murdered in his home in Oak Park, Ill., in 1975 — shortly before he was to have appeared before a Senate committee investigating assassinations. Seven .22-caliber bullets were blasted into his mouth and neck, Mob symbolism for "talks too much."
Giancana had never been adept at keeping secrets. When Mob/CIA hit teams were planning to assassinate Cuban leader Fidel Castro in 1960 — an operation reportedly overseen by Vice President Richard Nixon—Giancana's loose lips allowed FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover to discover the plans.
Lee Harvey Oswald was at his Dallas job as an order-filler at the Texas School Book Depository on Nov. 22. Shortly after shots rang out in Dealey Plaza, Oswald fled the crime scene. Later that afternoon, a policeman trying to arrest Oswald was shot to death. After a struggle with the armed Oswald in a movie theater, police apprehended him and charged him with the murders of both President Kennedy and the policeman.
In 1964, a presidential commission headed by Chief Justice Earl Warren concluded that Oswald — firing a rifle from a sniper's nest on the sixth floor of the depository — was Kennedy's sole assassin. The commission portrayed Oswald as a ''discontented'' loner whose "avowed commitment to Marxism and Communism" might have contributed to his deed. But the Warren Commission had not looked carefully at the alleged assassin's ties to the Syndicate. In New Orleans — where Oswald spent significant portions of his life — Oswald's uncle and substitute father was Charles "Dutz" Murret, an important bookie in godfather Carlos Marcello's gambling apparatus. Oswald's mother, Marguerite, dated members of Marcello's gang. Oswald friend David Ferrie worked for Marcello; had alleged ties to the CIA; and, in 1967, was named by New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison as a key JFK assassination plotter.
The exact route of the presidential motorcade was announced far in advance of the event — a practice the Secret Service halted in the wake of the JFK assassination.
Just two days before President Kennedy's murder, suspicious activity caught the eyes of two Dallas policemen on routine patrol in Dealey Plaza. The officers observed several men with rifles standing behind the picket fence on the plaza's grassy knoll. The riflemen were participating in mock target practice —aiming their guns over the fence in the direction of the street. By the time the patrolmen reached the area, however, the unidentified men had vanished.
Realizing the significance of this information in the immediate aftermath of the assassination, Dallas police forwarded it to the FBI. But an FBI report on the incident, dated Nov. 26 1963, apparently was not turned over to the Warren Commission. This report — clearly pointing to a conspiracy — was finally made public in 1978 in response to a Freedom of Information request.
In 1979, a House committee differed with the commission's finding that Oswald acted alone. After a two-year study, the panel indicated there were at least two shooters, declared that Kennedy "was probably assassinated as a result of a conspiracy," and it fingered the Mafia as having the "motive, means, and opportunity." Two top committee staffers — Robert Blakey and Richard Billings — later wrote of their conviction that "Oswald was acting in behalf of members of the Mob, who wanted relief from the pressure of the Kennedy administration's war on crime led by Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy."
The two investigators flatly asserted that the president of the Mob-dominated Teamsters union, Jimmy Hoffa — along with Mob bosses Carlos Marcello, Santos Trafficante and Sam Giancana — planned and carried out the president's slaying. They said both Oswald and Ruby were Mafia-connected, and that Ruby silenced Oswald on orders from the Mob. In a recent book, former Mafia consigliere Bill Bonanno — the son of legendary New York godfather Joe Bonanno — also maintains that Hoffa, Marcello, Trafficante, and Giancana were involved in the JFK assassination.
In 2001, a scientific study supported the conclusion first propounded by the House committee in 1979: that sounds heard on police recordings from Dealey Plaza are consistent with a shot being fired from the famed grassy knoll — bolstering the panel's finding that Kennedy's murder probably resulted from a plot.
Jack Ruby was a busy man in Dallas on Nov. 22. Only hours before Kennedy's arrival, the debt-ridden striptease club operator met with Mafia paymaster Paul Jones. Shortly after Kennedy was shot, Ruby showed up at Parkland Hospital, where the president had been taken — though he later denied being there at that critical time. Minutes after Kennedy was pronounced dead, Ruby phoned Alex Gruber — an associate of one of Jimmy Hoffa's top officials, and a man with known connections to hoodlums who worked for racketeer Mickey Cohen. Ruby and Gruber had met 10 days earlier in Dallas. When he was arrested for killing Oswald two days later, Ruby had $2,000 on his person and authorities found $10,000 in his apartment.
On the evening of the 22nd, Ruby was hanging around on the same floor of the police station where Oswald was being questioned. He even attended the midnight police station press conference at which Oswald was trotted out briefly for the world to see. Ruby corrected the district attorney when he told reporters that Oswald belonged to the Free Cuba Committee, an anti-Castro outfit. Ruby pointed out that the D.A. had meant Fair Play for Cuba, a pro-Castro group.
Like Oswald, Ruby could well have been under the control of the Mob, especially of Marcello — whose territory extended to Dallas, and whose take from underworld activities in Louisiana alone at the time was put at $1 billion-a-year. Ruby had lifelong connections to the Mafia and was involved in slot machines and bookmaking operations under Marcello's command. In 1959, Ruby reportedly visited Mob boss Santos Trafficante in a Cuban prison. After Oswald's murder, Ruby's brother approached one of Jimmy Hoffa's lawyers to represent Ruby.
More than a dozen people claim to have seen Ruby and Oswald together during the four months prior to the Kennedy assassination. In 1994, Dallas reporters Ray and Mary La Fontaine claimed that, shortly after Oswald's arrest on Nov. 22, he told a cellmate that he and Ruby attended a meeting in a local hotel just days earlier.
CIA agent E. Howard Hunt — Richard Nixon's top confederate in past and future undercover operations — may also have been in Dallas the day President Kennedy was killed. During a 1985 trial in Miami, CIA operative Morita Lorenz testified that, on Nov. 21, at a Dallas motel, she saw Hunt pay money to another agency operative — Hunt pal and future Watergate burglar Frank Sturgis. She maintained that, shortly after Hunt left, Jack Ruby showed up. Lorenz returned to her home in Miami that same night, but said Sturgis later told her what she had missed in Dallas on Nov. 22, 1963: "We killed the president that day."
The testimony came in a suit brought by Hunt against the right-wing newsletter Spotlight for printing a 1978 article titled, "CIA to Admit Hunt Involvement in Kennedy Slaying." The jury ruled in favor of the newsletter.
At one time, Lorenz was Fidel Castro's girlfriend. In 1959, Hunt and Sturgis had recruited her into the CIA with the goal of killing the Cuban leader. At the trial, Lorenz identified Hunt as Sturgis's CIA paymaster. She said that, on Nov. 21, Hunt gave Sturgis an envelope of cash at the Dallas motel after she and Sturgis arrived there to take part in what she was told was a "confidential" operation.
In a deposition for the Miami trial, a reporter testified he had once seen an internal CIA memo, dated 1966, which said: "Some day we will have to explain Hunt's presence in Dallas on Nov. 22, 1963." That reporter — Joseph Trento — had co-authored a 1978 article for the Wilmington News Journal headlined: "Was Hunt in Dallas the Day JFK Died?" His piece contained speculation by "some CIA sources" that "Hunt thought he was assigned by higher-ups to arrange the murder of Lee Harvey Oswald."
In 1975, a JFK assassination researcher in Texas received from an anonymous source a copy of a brief handwritten Nov. 8, 1963 note to a "Mr. Hunt" purportedly from Oswald. The writer asked for "information concerding [sic] my position. I am asking only for information. I am asking that we discuss the matter fully before any steps are taken by me or anyone else." Three handwriting experts found that the writing was that of Oswald. "Concerning" was also misspelled in a letter Oswald was known to have written in 1961.
That the note was meant for E. Howard Hunt makes sense. Oswald and Hunt once worked out of the same office building in New Orleans. On behalf of the CIA, Hunt had set up a dummy organization called "The Cuban Revolutionary Council" at 544 Camp Street — the same address Oswald put on pro-Castro leaflets he handed out. The same building also housed the detective agency of former FBI agent Guy Banister — who was associated with the CIA, the Mafia, Cuban exile leaders, and suspected JFK assassination plotter David Ferrie.
Ex-CIA agent Victor Marchetti has linked Hunt and Sturgis with Ferrie. Sturgis has claimed: that he knew Oswald; that documents existed at the CIA detailing the role of Ruby in the Kennedy killing; and that Oswald and Ruby once met in a hotel in New Orleans.
Though he was not in Dallas on Nov. 22, 1963, Jimmy Hoffa played an important role in President Kennedy's murder, according to longtime Hoffa and Mob lawyer Frank Ragano, who detailed Hoffa's alleged involvement in 1994. Ragano said he carried a message from the Teamster's boss to a July 24, 1963 meeting with Marcello and Trafficante in New Orleans. The message: Hoffa "wants you to do a little favor for him. You won't believe this, but he wants you to kill John Kennedy. He wants you to get rid of the president right away."
Ragano said the facial expressions of the two Mob bosses "were icy. Their reticence was a signal that this was an uncomfortable subject, one they were unwilling to discuss." But Ragano said Trafficante, on his deathbed in 1987, confessed that he and Marcello did, indeed, follow through on Hoffa's "favor." Ragano quoted the ailing Mob chief as saying: "Who would have thought that someday he would be president and he would name his goddam brother attorney general? Goddam Bobby. I think Carlos fucked up in getting rid of Giovanni (John in Italian) — maybe it should have been Bobby."
Jimmy Hoffa hated John and Robert Kennedy as much as Richard Nixon did. Robert Kennedy had been trying to put Hoffa in jail since 1956, when he was staff counsel for a Senate probe into the Mob's influence on the labor movement. In 1960, Robert Kennedy said, "No group better fits the prototype of the old Al Capone syndicate than Jimmy Hoffa and some of his lieutenants."
In the 1960 presidential election, Hoffa and his two million-member union backed Vice President Nixon against Sen. John Kennedy. Edward Partin, a Louisiana Teamster official and later government informant, eventually revealed that Hoffa met with Marcello to secretly fund the Nixon campaign — saying, "I was right there, listening to the conversation. Marcello had a suitcase filled with $500,000 cash which was going to Nixon ... (Another half-million dollar contribution) was coming from Mob boys in New Jersey and Florida." The Hoffa-Marcello meeting took place in New Orleans on Sept. 26, 1960, and has been verified by William Sullivan, a former top FBI official.
Nixon lost the 1960 election, and Hoffa — thanks to Attorney General Robert Kennedy — soon wound up in prison for jury tampering and looting the union's pension funds of almost $2 million. But the Nixon-Hoffa connection was strong enough to last at least until Dec. 23, 1971—when, as president, Nixon gave Hoffa an executive grant of clemency, allowing Hoffa to serve just five years of a 13-year prison term.
Nixon apparently sprung Hoffa in exchange for a big underworld payoff.
A recently released FBI memo backs up an earlier claim by an FBI informant that James P. ("Junior") Hoffa — current head of the Teamsters — and racketeer Allen Dorfman delivered $300,000 in a black valise to a Nixon bagman at a Washington hotel to secure the elder Hoffa's release from the pen.
Breaking from clemency custom, Nixon did not consult the judge who had sentenced Hoffa. Nor did he pay any mind to the U.S. Parole Board — which had been warned by the Justice Department that Hoffa was Mob-connected. At the time, The New York Times called the clemency a "pivotal element in the strange love affair between the (Nixon) administration and the two-million-member truck union…" Former Mafia bigwig Joe Bonanno recently described Nixon's clemency for Hoffa as "a gesture — if ever there was one, of the national power (the Mob) once enjoyed."
President Nixon did put one restriction on Hoffa's freedom: He could never again, directly or indirectly, manage any union. The restriction — a favor to Hoffa's successor, Frank Fitzsimmons — was reputedly bought by a $500,000 contribution to the Nixon campaign by New Jersey Teamster leader Anthony Provenzano.
In July 1975, Hoffa vanished in a Detroit suburb and his body has never been found. Many federal and local investigators believe he was shot to death after being lured to a meeting with Provenzano. They speculate that Hoffa's body was taken away by truck, stuffed into a fifty-gallon drum — then crushed and smelted.
Newly released FBI documents show that, in 1978, federal investigators sought to force Nixon and Fitzsimmons to testify about events surrounding Hoffa's disappearance. The investigators had concluded that such testimony offered the last, best chance of solving the Hoffa mystery. But they accused top Justice Department officials of derailing their efforts to call the ex-president and the Teamster boss before a Detroit grand jury.
The records also reveal that FBI agents suspected the Nixon White House of soliciting $1 million from the Teamsters to pay hush money to the Watergate burglars. In fact, in early 1973 — when the Watergate cover-up was coming apart at the seams — aide John Dean told the president that $1 million might be needed to keep the burglary team silent. Nixon responded, "We could get that … you could get a million dollars. You could get it in cash, I know where it could be gotten." When Dean observed that money laundering "is the type of thing Mafia people can do," Nixon calmly answered: "Maybe it takes a gang to do that."
In August 1974, Nixon became the first president forced to quit the office. He did so as Congress prepared to impeach and expel him for a wide range of illegal activities and abuses of constitutional power he directed or concealed during the Watergate scandal. Forty Nixon administration officials were indicted or jailed. The president was named by a grand jury as an unindicted co-conspirator. In what smacked of a sweetheart deal, one month after he stepped down, Nixon's handpicked successor — President Gerald Ford — granted him a complete pardon for all the presidential crimes he might have committed.
After spending more than a year brooding in self-exile at his walled estate in San Clemente, Calif., the very first post-resignation invitation Nixon accepted was from his Teamsters buddies. On Oct. 9, 1975, he played golf at a Mob-owned California resort with Fitzsimmons and other top Teamsters. Among those who attended a post-golf game party for Nixon were Anthony Provenzano, Allen Dorfman, and the union's executive secretary, Murray ("Dusty") Miller.
A convicted Mafia killer, Provenzano went on to become a prime suspect in Hoffa's disappearance. In the two months before President Kennedy's assassination, Jack Ruby was in telephone contact with Murray Miller, and with Barney Baker — who was once described by Robert Kennedy as "Hoffa's ambassador of violence." Ruby was also in touch with key figures from the Marcello, Trafficante, and Giancana crime families.
Documents that came to light in 2007 show that, shortly after the president's murder, Atty. Gen. Robert Kennedy's right-hand man Walter Sheridan – dispatched by RFK on a secret investigative mission to Dallas – quickly reported back that Jimmy Hoffa associate Allen Dorfman had paid off Jack Ruby in Chicago. A witness to that payoff – reportedly of $7,000 in 100 dollar bills stuffed into a manila envelope – says it occurred on the weekend of Oct. 27th 1963.
James P. "Junior" Hoffa has said, "I think my dad knew Jack Ruby, but from what I understand, he (Ruby) was the kind of guy everybody knew. So what?" JFK assassination authority Anthony Summers reasons, however, that — given Hoffa's record of threats against the lives of both John and Robert Kennedy — "the potential significance of such a connection is immense."
Mob experts connect Richard Nixon to Carlos Marcello — and to Jimmy Hoffa — through Nixon's earliest campaign manager and longest-serving adviser, Murray Chotiner. And they tie Nixon to Santos Trafficante through Nixon's best friend, Florida banker Bebe Rebozo. Mickey Cohen — one of the most notorious mobsters in Los Angeles — admitted rounding up underworld money for two early Nixon campaigns.
Charles Colson — Nixon's presidential emissary to the Teamsters — once raised the theory that Mafia bosses "owned" Rebozo and had gotten "their hooks into Nixon early." By the 1960s, FBI agents keeping tabs on the Mob had identified Rebozo as a "non-member associate of organized crime figures," it is now known. An off-the-books military probe conducted in the waning days of the Nixon presidency found "strong indications of a history of Nixon connections with money from organized crime," the chief investigator later revealed.
In an unpublicized presidential move, Nixon ordered the Justice Department to stop using the words "Mafia" and "Cosa Nostra" to describe the multi-billion dollar national crime syndicate. The president was roundly applauded when he boasted about his order at a private 1971 Oval Office meeting with some 40 members of the Supreme Council of the Sons of Italy. The group's Supreme Venerable, Americo Cortese, thanked Nixon for his moral leadership — declaring, "You are our terrestrial god."
The Nixon administration intervened on the side of Mafia figures in at least 20 trials. And it denied an FBI request to continue an electronic surveillance operation that was starting to penetrate Mob/Teamsters connections.
During the Nixon years, pressure from Washington eased off on Sam Giancana. And long-standing deportation proceedings against CIA-connected mobster Johnny Roselli were dropped. Without going into specifics, government lawyers explained in court that Roselli had performed "valuable services to the national security." A Giancana henchman, Roselli was an important contact man in the Mob/CIA assassination plots against Cuban leader Fidel Castro.
Roselli and Jack Ruby are reported to have met in hotels in Miami during the months before the JFK assassination. Years later, Roselli told columnist Jack Anderson: "When Oswald was picked up, the underworld conspirators feared he would crack and disclose information that might lead to them. This almost certainly would have brought a massive U.S. crackdown on the Mafia. So Jack Ruby was ordered to eliminate Oswald . . ."
In the mid-‘70s, as congressional committees probed the Mob and the CIA, Roselli was dismembered, squeezed into an oil drum, and tossed off the Florida coast; Giancana was gunned down in his kitchen; and Jimmy Hoffa disappeared.
Back in the Eisenhower years, Vice President Richard Nixon and CIA agent E. Howard Hunt were principal secret planners of the Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba that failed so miserably when it was later launched by President Kennedy. Some historians are convinced Nixon was a prime mover in an associated — and also ill-fated — plot to assassinate Fidel Castro. For example, onetime Nixon aide Roger Morris says Nixon "had been an avid supporter of the Eisenhower administration's covert operations to overthrow Castro, including the alliance with organized crime to assassinate the Cuban leader." For his part, Hunt has readily admitted his role in efforts to murder Castro.
For the "executive action" mission, potential assassins were recruited from Mafia ranks, so that if any of their activities were disclosed, organized crime could be blamed.
Nixon confidant Robert Maheu fronted for the CIA on the Mob plots. A high-end private eye (and ex-FBI undercover operative) who functioned in the shadowy realm between U.S. intelligence services and the national criminal syndicate, Maheu had performed previous "dirty tricks" for both Nixon and Giancana. Hoffa had also been a client of Maheu, who would eventually become the top aide to Mob-and CIA-connected billionaire and Nixon financial angel Howard Hughes.
The hit on Castro was to have been carried out at the same time as the secret Nixon-Hunt plan for the invasion by CIA-trained exiles. The invasion was a military debacle when later ordered by President Kennedy — who publicly accepted full responsibility for the April 17, 1961 landing in which 1,500 exiles were quickly overwhelmed by some 20,000 Cuban troops. Convinced, however, that the CIA set him up, Kennedy fired CIA chief Allen Dulles — an old Nixon friend — and swore he'd dismantle the agency.
Nixon, Hunt, and many CIA and Cuban exile leaders pinned almost complete blame for the military catastrophe on Kennedy for not providing adequate air cover. At the time, Nixon told a reporter it was "near criminal" for Kennedy to have canceled the air cover. Privately, he must have been just as upset that Castro had not been bumped off. In one of his many books, Hunt later accused the president of "a failure of nerves."
Nixon's secret Mafia buddies, already enraged by Kennedy's anti-crime crusade in this country, were furious that their lucrative gambling casinos — shuttered by Castro — would not be returning to Cuba.
In the immediate aftermath of his brother's murder, Atty. Gen. Robert Kennedy suspected the Mafia – as well as the CIA and the Cuban exiles. And he soon became consumed by a desire to track down, expose and punish the plotters during what he hoped would be his own time in the White House, according to David Talbot in Brothers: The Hidden History of the Kennedy Years, published in 2007. Talbot says RFK's quest began on the very afternoon of the assassination in Dallas:
(Bobby) frantically worked the phones at Hickory Hill – his Civil War-era mansion in McLean, Va. – and summoned aides and government officials to his home. Lit up with the clarity of shock, the electricity of adrenaline, Bobby Kennedy constructed the outlines of the crime that day – a crime, he immediately concluded, that went far beyond Lee Harvey Oswald, the 24-year-old ex-Marine arrested shortly after the assassination. Robert Kennedy was America's first assassination conspiracy theorist.Through fresh interviews, newly released documents and gripping words, Talbot makes a compelling case that Bobby's reluctance to publicly discuss his brother's death was a ruse. To family members, however, Bobby confided, "JFK had been killed by a powerful plot that grew out of one of the government's secret anti-Castro operations. There was nothing they could do at that point, Bobby added, since they were facing a formidable enemy and they no longer controlled the government."
E. Howard Hunt, of course, went on to become President Nixon's chief dirty trickster and secret intelligence operative. In 1972, five Hunt-recruited former CIA men — all veterans of the Bay of Pigs invasion planning — were caught by police while burglarizing Democratic headquarters at the Watergate office building in Washington. Fearing that Hunt's role would soon be learned — and the burglary traced back to the White House —Nixon immediately set out to blackmail g an FBI investigation of the break-in. He had his chief of staff, Bob Haldeman, tell CIA Director Richard Helms that Hunt, if apprehended, might spill the beans about a major CIA secret. On one of the original Watergate tapes, the president rehearsed Haldeman on exactly what to tell the intelligence chief: "Hunt knows too damned much ... If this gets out that this is all involved ... it would make the CIA look bad, it's going to make Hunt look bad, and it's likely to blow the whole Bay of Pigs thing ... which we think would be very unfortunate for both the CIA and the country ... and for American foreign policy."
In a generally overlooked revelation in a post-Watergate book, Haldeman said: "It seems that in all those Nixon references to the Bay of Pigs, he was actually referring to the Kennedy assassination. (Interestingly, an investigation of the Kennedy assassination was a project I suggested when I first entered the White House. Now I felt we would be in a position to get all the facts. But Nixon turned me down.)" Haldeman added that the CIA pulled off a "fantastic cover-up" that "literally erased any connection between the Kennedy assassination and the CIA."
On a White House tape made public in the 1990s, Haldeman fingered Nixon as the source of his information that the CIA had reason to fear Hunt's possible disclosure of "Bay of Pigs" secrets. The newest Nixon tapes are studded with deletions — segments deemed by government censors as too sensitive for public scrutiny. "National Security" is cited. Not surprisingly, such deletions often occur during discussions involving the Bay of Pigs, E. Howard Hunt, and John F. Kennedy.
One of the most tantalizing nuggets about Nixon's possible inside knowledge of JFK assassination secrets was buried on a White House tape until 2002. On the tape, recorded in May of 1972, the president confided to two top aides that the Warren Commission pulled off "the greatest hoax that has ever been perpetuated." Unfortunately, he did not elaborate. But the context in which Nixon raised the matter shows just how low he could stoop in efforts to assassinate the character of his political adversaries.
The Republican president made the "hoax" observation in the immediate aftermath of the assassination attempt against White House hopeful George Wallace, a longtime Democratic governor of Alabama. The attempt left Wallace paralyzed below the waist. Nixon blurted out his comments about the falsity of the Warren findings in the middle of a conversation in which he repeatedly directed two of his most ruthless aides, Bob Haldeman and Chuck Colson, to carry out a monumental dirty trick. He urged them to plant a false news story linking the would-be Wallace assassin — Arthur Bremer — to two other Democrats, Sen. Edward Kennedy and Sen. George McGovern —possible Nixon opponents in that year's fall elections. "Screw the record," the president orders on at one point. "Just say he was a supporter of that nut (it isn't clear which of the two senators he is referring to). And put it out. Just say we have an authenticated report."
As well as helping to perpetuate the Kennedy assassination "hoax" by turning down Haldeman's proposal for a new JFK probe, Nixon had a major hand in perpetrating it. In November of 1964, on the eve of the official release of the Warren Report, private citizen Nixon went public in support of the panel's coming findings. In a piece for Reader's Digest, he portrayed Oswald as the sole assassin. And Nixon implied that Castro — "a hero in the warped mind" of Oswald — was the real culprit.
Why did Nixon declare his belief in Oswald's guilt just before publication of the commission's report? Was he acting in league with his old buddies at the CIA and the FBI — as well as in the best interests of the Mob — to give advance support to what they knew would be the report's lone-killer conclusion? And why did Nixon stress Castro's alleged hold over Oswald's thinking? Was he trying to ramp up enthusiasm for further efforts to topple the Cuban leader?
In an apparent slip of the lip that got little attention at the time, a Watergate-stressed President Nixon himself suggested there was a conspiracy behind the JFK assassination. In the summer of 1973, the president publicly raised the assassination issue to divert attention from recent disclosures of a widespread government wiretapping operation. He claimed that Robert Kennedy, as attorney general, had authorized a larger number of wiretaps than his own administration. "But I don't criticize it," he declared, adding, "if he had ten more and — as a result of wiretaps — had been able to discover the Oswald Plan, it would have been worth it."
Whoops! The president apparently didn't realize his reference to "the Oswald Plan" didn't square with the government's official lone-killer finding. For if Lee Harvey Oswald had been solely responsible for the assassination, then there would not have been anyone for Oswald to conspire with about his "plan" — on a bugged telephone, or otherwise. Was Nixon inadvertently revealing his knowledge that Mob leaders (Robert Kennedy's main wiretap targets) had a role in President Kennedy's slaying? Was such a belief based on information acquired as a result of Nixon's own solid ties to organized crime and the Mafia-infested Teamsters union?
In the late 1970s, the House assassinations committee studied FBI electronic surveillance of the Mob over several months just before and after the JFK assassination. It found what Mob expert Ron Goldfarb has described as "expressions of outrage and betrayal and comments about ‘wacking out Kennedy.'"
That's because the Syndicate's tentacles had briefly entangled John F. Kennedy too. In crucial ways, the Mafia had helped the Massachusetts senator gain the presidency in 1960 — in exchange for a go-easy attitude toward the Mob by the future Kennedy administration. Instead of keeping his end of the bargain, however, President Kennedy started waging war on the Mafia — and the godfathers went crazy with rage.
Of all the illegal activities undertaken by President Nixon's secret agents E. Howard Hunt and G. Gordon Liddy, one stands out as particularly sordid — the planned assassination of newspaper columnist Jack Anderson, Nixon's arch foe in the media. Nixon-era stories by Anderson about mobster Johnny Roselli (the Mafia's liaison with the CIA) and various Mob/CIA plots infuriated the president and led to White House discussions about the columnist's murder.
The plot against Anderson came to light in 1975 when The Washington Post reported that — "according to reliable sources" — Hunt told associates after the Watergate break-in that he was ordered to kill the columnist in December 1971 or January 1972. The plan allegedly involved the use of poison obtained from a CIA physician. The Post reported that the assassination order came from a "senior official in the Nixon White House," and that it was "canceled at the last minute . . . "
In an affidavit about a key meeting on the matter with his White House boss, Hunt said Charles Colson "seemed more than usually agitated, and I formed the impression that he had just come from a meeting with President Nixon."
Liddy admitted that he and Hunt had "examined all the alternatives and very quickly came to the conclusion the only way you're going to be able to stop (Anderson) is to kill him . . . And that was the recommendation." Shortly after the Watergate break-in in 1972, Liddy offered to be assassinated himself, if that would help the cover-up. He told White House counsel John Dean: "This is my fault … And if somebody wants to shoot me on a street corner, I'm prepared to have that done." In a 1980 legal case, Liddy testified that there even came a time during the Nixon presidency "when I felt I might well receive" instructions to kill E. Howard Hunt — adding, "I was prepared, should I receive those orders, to carry them out immediately."
An ends-justify-the-means operator, Richard Nixon ran a pro-Mafia administration that carried out an ambitious criminal agenda of its own — one that even countenanced murder. Wouldn't his Mob connections have at least provided Nixon with inside dope —if not advance knowledge — about the murder of his archrival? Is that why Nixon — a major beneficiary of President Kennedy's assassination — concealed his knowledge of what really happened in Dallas on that tragic November day 40 years ago? Is that why, as president, he turned down a new JFK assassination inquiry — even while secretly dismissing the Warren Report as a fraud? After all, it was not in Nixon's best interests — nor in those of his chief patrons, Jimmy Hoffa and the Mob — to have the public learn the truth.
If President Nixon knew that the government's official 1964 conclusions about John F. Kennedy's murder were faked, didn't he at least have the responsibility to set the record straight? Did his failure to do so make him placidly complicit in that crime too?
Watergate may not have been Nixon's biggest cover-up after all.
A Timeline of Nixon's Ties to the Kennedy Assassination
Nov. 1946: Nixon wins a House seat with financial help from Meyer Lansky and other Mob leaders. Nixon's campaign manager, Murray Chotnier, has top Mafia figures as legal clients—as well as ties to New Orleans Mafia chief Carlos Marcello and Mob-connected Teamsters official James Hoffa.
1947: Congressman Nixon intervenes to get Jack Ruby excused from testifying before a congressional committee investigating the Mafia, according to an FBI memo discovered in the 1970s.
1947: Nixon strongly backs legislation establishing the Central Intelligence Agency. Around this time, Nixon meets CIA agent E. Howard Hunt.
1950: The Senate Kefauver committee staff learns that Ruby was "a syndicate lieutenant who had been sent to Dallas to serve as a liaison for Chicago mobsters," a former committee staffer later discloses.
Nov. 1950: Nixon is elected to the Senate from California after suggesting his opponent was a communist sympathizer.
Nov. 1952: As Dwight Eisenhower's running mate, Senator Nixon is elected vice president— despite a scandal over a secret slush fund put together by wealthy California backers.
Nov. 1956: Eisenhower is re-elected president with Nixon as his vice president.
1959-1960: Vice President Nixon and CIA agent E. Howard Hunt are key figures in secret CIA efforts to overthrow Cuban leader Fidel Castro. Nixon reportedly is the chief mover behind an associated CIA/Mob plan to murder Castro. Hunt later admitted his role in Castro assassination plots.
Summer of 1960: The CIA asks Nixon crony Robert Maheu—a former FBI agent with Mob contacts—to find mobsters who might be able to pull off a hit on Castro.
Nov. 1960: Sen. John F. Kennedy defeats Nixon in a 1960 presidential cliff-hanger; after his January 1961 inauguration, the new president goes ahead with secret Nixon-Hunt plans for a CIA-backed invasion of Cuba.
April 1961: The amphibious invasion at the Bay of Pigs is a monumental failure; Nixon, CIA, and Cuban exile leaders blame Kennedy for withholding planned U-S air cover. Kennedy privately blames the CIA and threatens to dismantle the agency.
Nov. 1961: Kennedy fires Nixon buddy Allen Dulles as CIA chief.
Nov. 1962: Nixon is defeated for governor of California after a secret $205,000 "loan" from Mob-linked billionaire Howard Hughes to Nixon's brother becomes a major issue; Nixon soon moves to New York and becomes a corporate lawyer.
1962-63: Angered by CIA incompetence during the Bay of Pigs, Kennedy moves to limit the agency's power.
Summer of 1963: Lee Harvey Oswald and the CIA- and Mob-linked David Ferrie are seen together in Clinton, La., the House assassinations committee later learns in testimony from numerous witnesses.
July 23, 1963: Teamsters boss Jimmy Hoffa tells his lawyer, Frank Ragano, "Something has to be done. The time has come for your friend (Santos Trafficante) and Carlos (Marcello) to get rid of him, kill that son-of-a-bitch John Kennedy."
Nov. 8: Oswald allegedly writes a note to a "Mr. Hunt" asking for "information."
Nov. 21: CIA agent Hunt is spotted in Dallas at the same CIA "safe house" also visited that day by Jack Ruby and Frank Sturgis, according to testimony in a 1985 court case.
Nov. 21: Ostensibly in Dallas to attend a Pepsi Cola convention, Nixon asks the city to give President Kennedy a respectful welcome.
Nov. 21: Chicago Mob boss Sam Giancana meets with Nixon in Dallas to discuss the planned Kennedy assassination, Giancana later tells relatives.
Nov. 22: Nixon leaves Dallas, apparently before Kennedy's arrival.
Nov. 22: President Kennedy is murdered in Dallas.
Nov. 24: Ruby kills Oswald in the basement of the Dallas police jail.
1963: Nixon recommends Congressman Gerald Ford for the Warren Commission.
1964: Nixon lies to the FBI about being in Dallas on Nov. 22, 1963.
1964: Ford convinces the commission to alter a key finding—making its preposterous "single bullet" assassination theory slightly more believable, documents released in 1997 show. The theory held that one of the bullets struck Kennedy in the back, came out his neck, and then somehow critically wounded Texas Governor John Connally. Ford's change placed the back wound higher in Kennedy's body.
1964: Nixon and Ford write articles in advance of Warren Commission Report endorsing its anticipated conclusion that Oswald alone was responsible for Kennedy's assassination.
Sept. 1964: The Warren Report finds that Oswald—firing from a sniper's nest on the sixth floor of the Texas School Book Depository—was President Kennedy' sole assassin.
Nov. 1968: In a squeaker, Nixon is elected president with big support from the Teamsters union and the Mob.
1971: After a Mob payoff of at least $300,000, Nixon grants clemency to Hoffa—who had been jailed for jury tampering in 1967.
June 1971: Former CIA agent E. Howard Hunt secretly joins the Nixon White House as the president's chief spy.
May 1972: Nixon confides to two top aides that the Warren Report was "the greatest hoax that has ever been perpetuated," a White House tape released in 2002 reveals.
June 17, 1972: A group of burglars working for Nixon's re-election is caught by Washington, D.C. police while breaking into Democratic headquarters at the Watergate complex. Hunt and former FBI official G. Gordon Liddy are soon identified as the group's supervisors.
June 23, 1972: To gain CIA help in the Watergate cover-up, Nixon tries to blackmail CIA chief Richard Helms over the secrets that Hunt might blab regarding CIA's links to "the Bay of Pigs"—which top Nixon aide Bob Haldeman later reveals to be Nixon/CIA code for the JFK assassination.
Nov. 1972: In a landslide, Nixon is re-elected president with the help of a reported $1 million Teamsters' contribution.
May 1973: Haldeman reminds Nixon that he—Nixon himself—had informed him that the CIA was hiding big "Bay of Pigs" secrets—though this was not disclosed until 1996, when the National Archives released a new batch of Watergate tapes. Sections of numerous Nixon conversations dealing with "the Bay of Pigs," President Kennedy, and E. Howard Hunt are deleted for "National Security" reasons.
1973: Nixon picks Congressman Ford to succeed the disgraced Spiro Agnew as his new vice president.
August 1974: Nixon is forced to resign the presidency over the Watergate scandal.
September 1974: President Ford grants Nixon a pre-emptive pardon for all crimes he might have committed.
A thorough analysis of Kennedy Assassination cover up
Between 1963 and 1966, Lyndon Johnson and J. Edgar Hoover successfully contained public criticism about the Kennedy assassination investigation through the Warren Report. In 1966, after the publication of two major critical attacks by responsible critics, a gallup poll indicated that 66 percent of the American people no longer believed the Warren Report and the Congress began to call for a new investigation. The fraudulent campaign to blame the Kennedy assassination on what Hoover had called the "twisted mind" of Lee Oswald, proved too transparent to stand up to public scrutiny, and the need to divert attention away from the truth reemerged.
The collapse of the credibility of the Warren Report created a desperate vacuum which was predictably filled by other absurd distortions. The Warren Commission had successfully focused attention almost exclusively upon Lee Harvey Oswald, and when it was determined that the assertions it expounded were extremely frivolous, the pressure to develop another cover up to conceal the truth produced bizarre conspiracy theories that were well publicized as a replacement the discredited Warren Report.
Not surprisingly, one of the sources of Kennedy assassination publicity was Las Vegas gangster, Johnny Roselli. In late January 1967, Roselli's lawyer claimed that he had important information about the assassination of John F. Kennedy. Since two out of three Americans disbelieved the Warren Report, Roselli promptly provided a whole new version of "truth" to further confuse the non-believers.
Roselli's basic claim was that Fidel Castro was responsible for the assassination of Kennedy. Despite the seriousness of the allegation, the identity of Roselli was not revealed to the public as the accusation was initially exposed through a "blind memorandum" prepared by Hoover's FBI and promoted through the press. -in other words, it was a public relations ploy sponsored by Lyndon Johnson and J. Edgar Hoover, the same people who had initially used the Warren Report to cover up the truth about the assassination of President Kennedy.
Johnson publicly embraced the rumour that a Cuban conspiracy was responsible for the assassination of Kennedy, and when he was interviewed by television newsman, Howard K. Smith, he dramatically asserted: "I'll tell you something that will rock you. Kennedy was trying to get Castro, but Castro got him first."
Lyndon Johnson was clearly aware of the fact that Castro had absolutely nothing to do with the Kennedy assassination. Johnny Roselli, the Lee Harvey Oswald-style source of the 'Castro got Kennedy' allegation, was a well known Mafia operative (like Jack Ruby) who had established Washington contacts through his participation in what was publicly exposed to be the CIA/Mafia plots to assassinate Castro.
When Robert F. Kennedy declared war on these Mafia "patriots", Johnny Roselli had typically responded with the predictable rant, "Here I am helping the government helping the country, and that little sonofabitch [Robert Kennedy] is breaking my balls. Let the little bastard do what he wants. There isn't anything he can do to me... I got important friends in important places in Washington that'll cut his water off."
One of Roselli's "important" friends was Jim Garrison, the District Attorney of New Orleans. In 1967, according to the CIA, Roselli and Garrison had a meeting in a Las Vegas hotel room. Garrison claimed that the allegation about his friendship with Roselli was simply a part of a CIA disinformation campaign to cover up the truth about the assassination of John F. Kennedy. A brilliant propagandist, Garrison was even able to convince oliver Stone that he was "on the trail of the assassins" when he was in fact deep within the obsession to cover up the truth about Kennedy's murder.
In retrospect, it is clear and obvious that Jim Garrison and Johnny Roselli concocted stories to fill the vacuum created by the discredited Warren Report. Indeed, Lyndon Johnson was so paranoid about allowing the truth about Kennedy's assassination to surface (and this is the truth) that he had instructed J.Edgar Hoover to investigate Kennedy assassination critics who had successfully discredited the Warren Report. He obviously did not have to instruct Hoover to investigate Roselli's allegations because he knew that they were false.
And so, J. Edgar Hoover promptly supplied background memoranda on Edward Epstein, Sylvan Fox, Joachim Joesten, Penn Jones, Mark Lane, Richard Popkin, Leo Sauvage, and Harold Weisberg, the independent investigators who had threatened to get to the bottom of the mystery. In retrospect, it is no surprise that Hoover and Johnson targeted and replaced legitimate Kennedy assassination critics with bogus allegations about the murder of Kennedy.
Ironically, in 1963, immediately after the Kennedy assassination, a desperate Lyndon Johnson convinced each member of the Warren Commission that their primary duty was to dispel what he called "dangerous rumors". In 1967 however, when the Warren Commission was discredited, Johnson embraced these "damgerous rumors" because the fraudulent claim "Castro got Kennedy" served the obsession to cover up thr truth.
Hoover appointed the General Investigation Division of the FBI to control the disinformation campaign which involved interviewing Roselli's lawyer about the allegation that 'Castro got Kennedy'. The GID was the vehicle which simply provided the opportunity to record rather than to investigate the authenticity of the claim that Castro was responsible for the Kennedy assassination. If Hoover was prompted by legitimate intent, he would have obviously appointed the Domestic Intelligence Division of the FBI, the unit which was in fact responsible for investigating possible foreign involvement in the Kennedy assassination.
Hoover merely appointed the FBI to record a fraudulent rumor and that betrayed his consistent intent. A former FBI agent and senior official in the Department of Justice reflects the nature of the Castro allegation charade when he says: "There are two kinds of FBI interviews. The first kind is where you simply sit down with a source and come away with nothing. The second kind is where you really dig into him, check everything about him and his friends"
FBI Headquarters, J. Edgar Hoover's personal fiefdom, managed disinformation campaigns about the Kennedy assassination. The agents that Hoover appointed to serve as the mouthpieces of Roselli's allegation were interviewed for the Hearings before the Select Committee on Assassinations, and they said that "they were briefed at FBI Headquarters prior to the interview but neither could recall the details of that briefing or who was present." The memory lapse is entirely understandable.
By far, the most sophisticated and the most influential disinformation campaign about the Kennedy assassination was unleashed by New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison. A former FBI agent who had embraced the fraudulent, Hoover claim that organized crime did not exist, Garrison was evidently a loyal ally. Indeed, as he vigorously denied the provable existence of organized crime, the empire of New Orleans Mafia boss Carlos Marcello flourished. The most common characteristic of Garrison's rhetoric was the identifiable gap between what he said and the truth he deliberately sought to suppress, and his enlistment in the plot to publicize disinformation is not surprising.
In retrospect, the simplicity of the fraud that Hoover and Garrison controlled is astonishing. J. Edgar Hoover investigated Warren Commission critics and Garrison infiltrated their ranks by pretending to be one of them. In 1967, Jim Garrison dramatically told the entire world that he had solved the Kennedy assassination case and that he knew exactly who was responsible for murdering the President, and the entire world listened. Lo and behold, the Kennedy assassination messiah had emerged and the starving press and critics flocked to his side craving the insight of the only public official who alleged to be in the possession of the truth about the Kennedy assassination.
Garrison demanded attention and he easily got it through bold and dramatic public assertions like:
"My staff and I solved the assassination weeks ago. I wouldn't say that if we didn't have evidence beyond a shadow of a doubt. We know the key individuals, the cities involved, and how it was done."
Jim Garrison ultimately exposed his admiration for anybody who covered up the truth about the assassination of President John F. Kennedy when he said;
"I have nothing but respect for the Bureau and feel that if it weren't for the FBI reports still available in the Commission exhibits, the door would have been closed forever... The FBI has worked assiduously in many different areas and gathered facts that have proved of great value to those interested in uncovering the truth about the assassination."
At the same time, since Kennedy assassination critics had successfully discredited the Warren Commission, Garrison infiltrated their ranks through nonsense rhetoric like:
"It's impossible for anyone possessed of reasonable objectivity and a fair degree of intelligence to read those 26 [Warren Commission] volumes and not reach the conclusion that the Warren Commission was wrong in every one of its major conclusions pertaining to the assassination."
Clearly, when Garrison simultaneously claimed that the Warren Commission investigation was "typically thorough" and that every single conclusion that the Warren Report promoted was wrong, he betrayed the purpose behind all the nonsense he deliberately promoted. In his own words, he said "in an Orwellian sense, perhaps they [assassination conspirators] come to believe that truth is what contributes to national security and falsehood is anything detrimental to national security".
Oliver Stone made a hero out of Garrison because the rhetoric of some of the faces he assumed, was indeed heroic, but the confusion he generated baffled brilliant historians like Arthur Schlesinger Jr., who said:
"... the premise that Kennedy was preparing to withdraw from Vietnam was quite correct. And the film raised serious and searching questions about the Warren Commission. But the theory that they created out of all this, that because Kennedy was going to get out of Vietnam, the whole government got together and conspired to murder him, is absolutely outrageous and terrible. I'm agnostic about whether there was a conspiracy or not, but one thing I'm absolutely sure of: If there was a conspiracy, it wasn't Oliver Stone's conspiracy."They say that Richard Nixon opened the door to China, because he kept it closed long enough to exploit anti-Communist hysteria. They say that Kennedy started the Vietnam war, because he was murdered before being granted the opportunity to satisfy his schedule of total withdrawal, which was supposed to be completed by 1965, 'win, lose or draw'. So much for what THEY say...In recent years, much has been written about a so-called unbroken chain of events which stretch from Dallas on the 22nd of November, to Watergate, the scandal that cost Nixon the presidency. Secrecy and denial may have blunted the effort to determine the entire truth, but it has not obliterated the trail from Dallas to Watergate. Unlike the shock that engulfed most, Richard Nixon and Nixon crony, Watergate burglar E. Howard Hunt, were both committed to alibi or to the avoidance of being associated with Dallas Texas, on the day Kennedy was assassinated. On November 22, 1963, Nixon claimed that he was in New York, and indeed he was, having left Dallas Texas at 9:05 a.m. about two hours before Kennedy's arrival. Ironically, Nixon landed at New York's Idlewild at 1:00 p.m., latter renamed Kennedy International Airport. The flight offered Nixon the air tight alibi that a person in-the-know desperately required. Howard Hunt, who was also reportedly in Dallas on the 22nd of November, also established an air-tight alibi to prove that he was not in Dallas. According to Hunt, he was not in his CIA office in Langley Virginia (why not?), but with friends in Washington D.C. "And since it is a law of physics that you can't be in two places at the same time", Hunt boldly asserts, "I was not in Dallas Texas." Hunt's appeal to the "laws of physics" ignores the manipulations of covert action crusaders who practice the fraudulent art of being at more than one place at a time. Remember the "Oswald double" who has made the task of tracing the real steps of the real Lee Harvey Oswald, practically impossible? The major preoccupation of spooks like Howard Hunt is deception, and their colorful denials have been permanently exposed.
In the final analysis the fact that Nixon and Hunt both secured "air-tight" alibies to account for their whereabouts when Kennedy was assassinated, is more incriminating than not. Most people vividly recall exactly what they were doing and where they were when they heard the tragic news about the Kennedy assassination, they were not vague, evasive or preoccupied by the need to produce law of physics-style alibis.
The common suspicion that Nixon and Hunt were privy to the fact that Kennedy was going to be assassinated, is well founded. Nixon and Hunt were violent anti-Communist crusaders with a penchant for plotting the assassination of "foreign" leaders and for perverting democratic principles. Moreover, Hunt and Nixon were two of the earliest and most persistent advocates who promoted assassination plots against Castro, and when Kennedy did not enthusiastically endorse anti-Castro plots or a military invasion of Cuba, they were invariably obsessed by the perceived need to get rid of him as well. On November 22, 1963, quoted in the New York Times after having made a timely evacuation from Dallas, Richard Nixon publicly recognized his anti-Kennedy zeal through the bold assertion: "I am going to work as hard as I can to get the Kennedys out of there. We can't afford four more years of that kind of administration."
While Nixon publicly exposed his commitment to get rid of the Kennedys, he did not say how he planned to accomplish his goal. At any rate, the fact that Nixon did not plan to defeat the Kennedys through legitimate political elections is quite obvious. In 1963, Nixon was the most popular Republican in the nation, yet despite the declared intention "to get the Kennedys out of there", he refused to run for the presidency until a shadowy committee to elect Richard Nixon was created in 1967. Political pundits, experts at creating a theory which matches the limit of public awareness, have repeatedly claimed that Nixon's decision not to run in 1964 was a brilliant tactical exploit. It was, they claim, foolish to challenge the unbeatable wave of popularity that brought Johnson a landslide victory in 1964. And so, it is popularly asserted, Richard Nixon, the brilliant statesman, staged one of the greatest political comebacks in American history, when he became the President in 1968. It is indeed a convenient theory but it ignores the fact that Nixon was not a typical politician but a man immersed in the shadowy world of secret politics. The fact that Nixon was largely a low key behind-the-scenes political operator until the Kennedys were assassinated, suggests that the so-called Nixon comeback was anything but legitimate. Politics, in the Nixon tradition was about behind-the-scenes plotting to destroy political enemies, it was not about fair play elections. And if Nixon did not aim for the presidency in 1964, it was not because he thought he couldn't win, but because the plotting of political cronies like J. Edgar Hoover precluded the possibility of a Nixon presidency in 1964. John Ehrlichman, Nixon's former counsel, made that quite evident when he said:
Hoover and Nixon had kept in touch during all the years Nixon was out of office. Rose Mary Woods had been Hoover's Nixon contact for the exchange of information and advice between them. Whenever Nixon travelled abroad as a private citizen, the FBI agents who posed as "legal attaches" in U.S. embassies were instructed by Hoover to look after Nixon. Hoover fed Nixon information during those years via Cartha De Loach, and through Lou Nichols, a retired Bureau assistant director who had become a distillery executive. But Hoover was more than a source of information -he was a political advisor to whom Nixon listened. (Witness to Power; The Nixon Years, 1982, Simon & Schuster, New York p.156-7)And so, despite the popular belief that shrewd political acumen kept Nixon out of the White House race in 1964, the evidence suggests that Hoover dictated the Nixon decision to "wait it out". Indeed, pre-Kennedy assassination knowledge probably convinced Nixon to refrain from opposing Johnson in 1968. Clearly, evidence which strongly suggests that Nixon had foreknowledge about the Kennedy assassination is compelling. On November 21 1963, J.Edgar Hoover and Richard Nixon were at the home of wealthy oil baron Clint Murchison, in Dallas Texas. (p.14 High Treason) Murchison was a wealthy Texan who owned everything from the Dallas Cowboys to Henry Holt and Company, the publishing house that promoted the propaganda that Hoover published, to the racetrack where Hoover placed $100 bets, to the luxurious Del Charro Motel in California, where Hoover vacationed annually free of charge, to oil-gas interests... Murchison's empire, it appeared, was tailor-made to suit the interests of J. Edgar Hoover. The alliance between Hoover and Murchison was indeed like an ideal circle of corruption. Murchison, the recipient of huge loans from Teamster's pension funds, was evidently well served by the "politically correct" Teamster's union, whose administration was shaped by Hoover's capacity to blacklist the so-called un-Americans within. And the "dissent-free" Teamsters were at liberty to abuse pension funds at will. Business associates like Mafia crime boss Carlos Marcello gave Murchison additional "empire-building" clout. (mafia kingfish, p312)
Travelling in a circle which linked the Mafia, the Director of the FBI, Lyndon Johnson and ultra-Conservative wealthy Texan reactionaries who vilified Kennedy because he was supposedly soft on Communism, Richard Nixon was surrounded by people who were enthusiastic about supporting a plot to murder the President. In particular, the fact that Richard Nixon spent the eve of the assassination in Dallas Texas with Johnson and Hoover cronies, the oil-rich Murchisons, goes a very long way in casting a dark cloud of suspicion towards the arch-Republican Nixon, who virtually assured a Democratic landslide victory by not challenging Johnson in 1964. Like the ultra-Conservative Murchison, who provided financial support to the so-called liberal, Lyndon Johnson, Nixon secretly supported the Democrats, not the Republicans. Kennedy assassination plotters had evidently created "politically peculiar" secret alliances that escaped the notice of political pundits who promoted "Nixon the brilliant political comeback strategist" theories, to account for Nixon's conspicuous absence in 1964, and his "miraculous" return in 1968. What the pundits failed to explore is the probability that Richard Nixon did not run in 1964 in order to help Lyndon Johnson shed the scornful claim that he was the "accidental" President. Moreover, it is also safe to assume that Richard Nixon did not oppose the candidacy of Lyndon Johnson because he was absolutely certain that Johnson would reverse the foreign policy course of action that Kennedy had charted. If that was not clearly the case, there is no way that Nixon would have tolerated the "landslide mandate" that fell into Johnson's lap, through the decision to allow the "trigger happy" Barry Goldwater, to lead the Republicans.
Preoccupied by the need to cover up the truth about the Kennedy assassination, Lyndon Johnson publicly embraced the "let us continue" pledge, and with Nixon's undeclared support, "landslide Johnson" privately promoted the commitment "to begin", not where Kennedy had left off, but where Johnson and Nixon wanted to go. And so, like the convoluted plot of a Shakespearean play, the Nixon-assisted Lyndon Johnson landslide foreshadowed the dramatic new beginning in Vietnam -the introduction of the combat divisions that Kennedy had vigorously opposed. The popular misconception that Johnson and Nixon inherited the Vietnam war reflects a gross distortion maintained by obsessive secrecy and ignorant "punditeering". In actual fact, Nixon, Johnson, Hoover and the like, "engineered" the Vietnam war.
To be sure, since the man was murdered, the propaganda mill repeatedlly churns out the fraud that Cold Warrior John F. Kennedy started the Vietnam War. We do not have the time nor the inclination to challenge 27 years of rhetoric, ignorance and fraud. We’ll just tell you what John F. Kennedy said, and you can make up your own mind. John F. Kennedy said: "In 1965 I’ll become one of the most unpopular Presidents in history. I’ll be damned everywhere as a Communist appeaser. But I don’t care. If I tried to pull out completely now from Vietnam, we would have another Joe McCarthy red scare on our hands, but I can do it after I’m reelected. So we had better make damned sure that I am reelected".
[POSTSCRIPT] The "textbook/cloned" historians that CNN routinely parades over the air, thrive on the statistical claim that Eisenhower kept involvement in Vietnam low whereas Kennedy escalated America's commitment to over 16,000. But a simple statistical analysis, of the sort that McNamara used to project optimism is absolutely meaningless. Colonel Fletcher Prouty, former liaison between the CIA and the Pentagon, explains the meaningless "numbers game" that superficial analysts use to distort history. According to Colonel Prouty: Don't get trapped into the numbers game. JFK had about 16,000 US military in Vietnam. He emphasized that they were not in combat slots, but this does not count all the guys with the CIA, etc... But this was true of the Eisenhower days. I and my whole squadron were in and out of Vietnam all the time in 1952, 1953 and 1954 and I am sure that the people who followed me in that job were there even more. My brother was with a group in Hanoi in 1954 and 1955. We had alot of guys helping at Dien Bien Phu ...aerial work mostly. We had naval units and plenty of army people. On top of that, the CIA had large units from Korea, Taiwan and the Philippines in Vietnam and they had been there a long time. They began to go with Lansdale in '54. It is not the numbers that matter. It is what the President intended. JFK let things roll along...things that had been started by Eisenhower, and some of them grew. But he was going to get out of there by 1965 and wanted a record of bringing men home during 1963 and 1964. When I was working on NSAM 263 [Taylor/McNamara Report] I was very well briefed on this plan of Kennedy's. He was getting out and he wanted that on the record. That is why he was shot. There are no shortage of references citing Kennedy's commitment to pull out of Vietnam by 1965. As a matter of fact, Kennedy was so absolutely committed to withdrawal, he actually believed that anyone who suggested otherwise was a blundering idiot. In his own words, Kennedy defined the political and the moral challenges he faced over the war in Vietnam when he said:
If I tried to pull out completely now from Vietnam, we would have another Joe McCarthy red scare on our hands, but I can do it after I am reelected... In 1965, I'll become one of the most unpopular Presidents in history. I'll be damned everywhere, but I don't care.To be sure, partisan and ideological bickering has obscured this simple, undeniable fact, and Canadians are probably in the best position to resolve the controversial quagmire of hostile disagreement. In particular, when Kennedy asked Canadian Prime Minister Pearson about what he would do in Vietnam, Pearson told him that he would pull out and Kennedy's reply did not leave any room to doubt his firm intentions. Indeed, when Prime Minister Pearson advised him to pullout, Kennedy said, "Any damn fool knows that. The question is, how?" And so, in the final analysis, if Kennedy was not assassinated, "any damn fool knows" that win, draw or lose, Kennedy would have ended America's involvement in the Vietnam war by 1965 as promised, and Lyndon Johnson would have been denied the opportunity to reverse his plans. And that is the ultimate tragedy of the Kennedy assassination. As President, we granted him the opportunity to save the world by averting nuclear war during the Cuban Missile Crisis, but we denied him the opportunity to spare us the grief over Vietnam. And that is what makes John F. Kennedy the greatest and the most underestimated President in world history. To be sure, common ignorance has made us retreat in the comfort of "we will never know what might have been", but we know the man, we understand his leadership qualities, we know what he had planned, and we know that it would have made all the difference in the world. It is no longers safe to hide behind ignorance.
John F. Kennedy was determined to save America from the pain of the Vietnam quagmire and he was willing to pay any price to do it. Does anybody miss the stark contrast between the myth that Johnson picked up where Kennedy left off and the reality that he was murdered to facilitate the ignorant crusade that claimed over 35,000 American lives?
Richard Nixon's Secret Ties to the Mafia
During the height of the Watergate scandal, Atty. Gen. John Mitchell's wife, Martha, sounded one of the first alarms, telling a reporter, ''Nixon is involved with the Mafia. The Mafia was involved in his election.'' White House officials privately urged other reporters to treat any anti-Nixon comments by Martha as the ravings of a drunken crackpot.
Time, however, has proved Mrs. Mitchell right.
Richard Nixon's earliest campaign manager and political advisor was Murray Chotiner, a chubby lawyer who specialized in defending members of the Mafia and who enjoyed dressing like them too, in a wardrobe highlighted by monogrammed white-on-white dress shirts and silk ties with jeweled stickpins. The monograms said MMC, because – perhaps to seem more impressive – he billed himself as Murray M. Chotiner, though, in reality, he lacked a middle name.
In this cigar chomping, wheeler-dealer, Nixon had found what future Nixon aide Len Garment called ''his Machiavelli – a hardheaded exponent of the campaign philosophy that politics is war.''
When Nixon went on to the White House, both as vice president, and later as president, he took Chotiner with him as a key behind-the-scenes advisor – and for good reason. By the time he became president in 1969, thanks in large part to Murray Chotiner's contacts with such shady figures as Mafia-connected labor leader Jimmy Hoffa, New Orleans Mafia boss Carlos Marcello, and Los Angeles gangster Mickey Cohen, Richard Nixon had been on the giving and receiving end of major underworld favors for more than two decades.
In his first political foray – a successful 1946 race for Congress as a strong anti-Communist from southern California – Nixon received a $5,000 contribution from Cohen plus free office space for a ''Nixon for Congress'' headquarters in one of Mickey Cohen's buildings.
And there was more to come.
In 1950, at Chotiner's request, Cohen set up a fund-raising dinner for Nixon at the Knickerbocker Hotel in Los Angeles. The affair took in $75,000 to help Nixon go on and defeat Sen. Helen Gahagan Douglas, whom he had portrayed as a Communist sympathizer – ''pink right down to her underwear.''
''Everyone from around here that was on the pad naturally had to go,'' Cohen himself later recalled, looking back on the Knickerbocker dinner, ''… It was all gamblers from Vegas, all gambling money. There wasn't a legitimate person in the room.'' The mobster said Nixon addressed the dinner after Cohen told the crowd the exits would be closed until the whole $75,000 quota was met. They were. And it was.
Cohen has said his support of Nixon was ordered by ''the proper persons from back East,'' meaning the founders of the national Syndicate, Frank Costello and Meyer Lansky. Why would Meyer Lansky become a big fan of Richard Nixon? Senate crime investigator Walter Sheridan offered this opinion: ''If you were Meyer, who would you invest your money in? Some politician named Clams Linguini? Or a nice Protestant boy from Whittier, California?''
Lansky was considered the Mafia's financial genius. Known as ''The Little Man'' because he was barely five feet tall, Lansky developed Cuba for the Mob during the dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista, when Havana was ''The Latin Las Vegas.'' Under its tall, swaying palms, gambling, prostitution and drug trafficking netted the U.S. Syndicate more than $100-million-a-year – even after handsome payoffs to Batista.
In the mid-‘50s, Batista designated Lansky the unofficial czar of gambling in Havana. This was so Batista could stop some Mob-run casinos from using doctored games of chance to cheat tourists. A shrewd, master manipulator whose specialty was gambling, Lansky was also known among mobsters as honest. It wasn't necessary to rig the gambling tables to make boatloads of bucks. Lansky directed all casino operators to ''clean up, or get out.''
Lansky, in turn, was very generous with the Cuban dictator. As former Lansky associate Joseph Varon has said: ''I know every time Myer went to Cuba he would bring a briefcase with at least $100,000 (for Batista). So Batista welcomed him with open arms, and the two men really developed such an affection for each other. Batista really loved him. I guess I'd love him too if he gave me $100,000 every time I saw him.''
Lansky saw to it that his friends were generous to Batista too. In February 1955, Vice President Richard Nixon traveled to Havana to embrace Batista at the despot's lavish private palace, praise ''the competence and stability'' of his regime, award him a medal of honor, and compare him with Abraham Lincoln. Nixon hailed Batista's Cuba as a land that ''shares with us the same democratic ideals of peace, freedom and the dignity of man.''
When he returned to Washington, the vice president reported to the cabinet that Batista was ''a very remarkable man … older and wiser … desirous of doing a good job for Cuba rather than Batista … concerned about social progress…'' And Nixon reported that Batista had vowed to ''deal with the Commies.''
What Nixon omitted from his report was the Batista-Lansky connection, the rampant government corruption under Batista – and the extreme poverty of most Cubans. The American vice president also ignored Batista's suspension of constitutional guarantees, his dissolution of the country's political parties, and his use of the police and army to murder political opponents. Twenty thousand Cubans reportedly died at the hands of Batista's thugs.
Under Batista, Cuba was the decadent playground of the American elite. Havana was its sin city paradise – where you could gamble at luxurious casinos, bet the horses, play the lottery, and party with the some of best prostitutes, rum, cocaine, heroin and marijuana in the Western Hemisphere. Should you have been in the mood, you could also have watched ''an exhibition of sexual bestiality that would have shocked Caligula,'' according to Richard Reinhart in an article he wrote for American Heritage in 1995 entitled ''Cuba Libre.''
Cuba was only a one-hour flight away from the United States. And there were 80 tourist flights-a-week from Miami to Havana, at a cost of $40, round trip.
Three Syndicate gamblers from Cleveland — including Morris ''Moe'' Dalitz, a friend of Nixon's best buddy Bebe Rebozo — were part owners of Lansky's glittering Hotel Nacional in Havana. In fact, during the Batista regime, as recalled by Mafia hit man Angelo ''Gyp'' DeCarlo, ''The Mob had a piece of every joint down there. There wasn't one joint they didn't have a piece of.''
In a noteworthy reversal of that situation, the Cuban dictator owned part of at least one Mob-run gambling operation in the United States. Batista was partners with New Orleans godfather and future Nixon benefactor Carlos Marcello of a casino in Jefferson Parish, Louisiana called ''The Beverly Club.''
Another Rebozo associate, Tampa godfather Santos Trafficante, was the undisputed gambling king of Havana. Trafficante owned substantial interests in the San Souci – a nightclub and casino where fellow gangster Johnny Roselli had a management role.
The relationship between Nixon and Rebozo tightened in Cuba in the early ‘50s, according to historian Anthony Summers, when Nixon was gambling very heavily, and Bebe covered Nixon's losses – possibly as much as $50,000. Most of Nixon's gambling took place at Lansky's Hotel Nacional. Lansky rolled out the royal treatment for Nixon, who stayed in the Presidential Suite on the owner's tab.
As far back as 1951, Bebe Rebozo – the man who bailed out Nixon at the Nacional – had been involved with Lansky in illegal gambling rackets in parts of Miami, Hallandale, and Ft. Lauderdale, Fla. Former crime investigator Jack Clarke recently disclosed those operations, adding that Rebozo was pointed out to him, back then, as ''one of Lansky's people …When I checked the name with the Miami police, they said he was an entrepreneur and a gambler and that he was very close to Meyer.''
A bachelor, Rebozo was short, swarthy, well dressed and ingratiatingly glib. The American-born Cuban had risen from airline steward to wealthy Florida banker and land speculator.
Many Nixon biographers say Richard Danner, a former FBI agent gone bad, introduced Nixon to Rebozo in 1951. Danner was the city manager of Miami Beach when it was controlled by the Mob. Danner eventually became a top aide to Nixon's financial angel, eccentric billionaire Howard Hughes. And, years later, during the final act of the Watergate scandal, Danner delivered a $100,000 under-the–table donation from Hughes to President Nixon.
Nixon and Rebozo hit it off almost immediately. Their mutual friend, Sen. George Smathers of Florida, once said: ''I don't want to say that Bebe's level of liking Nixon increased as Nixon's (political) position increased, but it had a lot to do with it.''
The two men were almost inseparable from then on. Rebozo was there to lend moral as well as financial support to his idol through Nixon's many political ups and downs. He was there in Florida in 1952 when Nixon celebrated his election to the vice presidency; Rebozo was in Los Angeles in 1960 when Nixon got word that Sen. John Kennedy had edged him out for the presidency; he comforted Nixon after his 1962 defeat for California governor; and Rebozo and Nixon drank and sunbathed together in Key Biscayne after Nixon's political dreams came true and he won the 1968 presidential election. During Nixon's White House years, rough estimates show Rebozo was at Nixon's side one out of every 10 days.
Known as ''Uncle Bebe'' to Nixon's two children, Trisha and Julie, Rebozo frequently bought the girls – and Nixon's wife Pat – expensive gifts. He purchased a house in the suburbs for Julie after she married David Eisenhower. The Saturday Evening Post, in a March 1987 article, put the price at $137,000.
Rebozo came in and out of the White House as he pleased, without being logged in by the Secret Service. Though he had no government job, Rebozo had his own private office and phone number in the executive mansion. When he travelled on Air Force One, which was frequently, Bebe donned a blue flight jacket bearing the Presidential Seal and his name. (Nixon's own flight jacket was inscribed ''The President'' – as though no one would recognize that fact by just looking at him.)
Rebozo's organized crime connections were solid. For one, he had both legal and financial ties with ''Big Al'' Polizzi, a Cleveland gangster and drug kingpin. Rebozo built an elaborate shopping center in Miami, to be leased to members of the rightwing Cuban exile community, and he let out the contracting bid to Big Al, a convicted black marketer described by the Federal Bureau of Narcotics as ''one of the most influential members of the underworld in the United States.''
Nixon and Rebozo bought Florida lots on upscale Key Biscayne, getting bargain rates from Donald Berg, a Mafia-connected Rebozo business partner. The Secret Service eventually advised Nixon to stop associating with Berg. The lender for one of Nixon's properties was Arthur Desser, who consorted with both Teamsters President Jimmy Hoffa and mobster Meyer Lansky.
Nixon and Rebozo were friends of James Crosby, the chairman of a firm repeatedly linked to top mobsters, and Rebozo's Key Biscayne Bank was a suspected pipeline for Mob money skimmed from Crosby's casino in the Bahamas. By the 1960s, FBI agents keeping track of the Mafia had identified Nixon's Cuban-American pal as a ''non-member associate of organized crime figures.''
Former Mafia consigliere Bill Bonanno, the son of legendary New York godfather Joe Bonanno, asserts that Nixon ''would never have gotten anywhere'' without his old Mob allegiances. And he reports that — through Rebozo — Nixon ''did business for years with people in (Florida Mafia boss Santos) Trafficante's Family, profiting from real estate deals, arranging for casino licensing, covert funding for anti-Castro activities, and so forth.''
If friendships enabled Nixon to craft links with the Mafia, so did hatred. Teamsters union leader Jimmy Hoffa hated John and Robert Kennedy as much as Nixon did. Robert Kennedy had been trying to put Hoffa in jail since 1956, when RFK was staff counsel for a Senate probe into the Mob's influence on the labor movement. In a 1960 book, Robert Kennedy said, ''No group better fits the prototype of the old Al Capone syndicate than Jimmy Hoffa and some of his lieutenants.''
Because he shared a common enemy with Nixon, Hoffa and his two million-member union backed Vice President Nixon against Sen. John Kennedy in the 1960 election, and did so with more than just a get-out-the-vote campaign. Edward Partin, a Louisiana Teamster official and later government informant, revealed that Hoffa met with New Orleans godfather Carlos Marcello to secretly fund the Nixon campaign. Partin told Mob expert Dan Moldea: ''I was right there, listening to the conversation. Marcello had a suitcase filled with $500,000 cash which was going to Nixon ... (Another $500,000 contribution) was coming from Mob boys in New Jersey and Florida.'' Hoffa himself served as Nixon's bagman.
The Hoffa-Marcello meeting took place in New Orleans on Sept. 26, 1960, and has been verified by William Sullivan, a former top FBI official.
Nixon lost the 1960 election, and Hoffa – thanks to Atty. Gen. Robert Kennedy – soon wound up in prison for jury tampering and looting the union's pension funds of almost $2 million. But the Nixon-Hoffa connection was strong enough to last at least until Dec. 23, 1971 when, as president, Nixon gave Hoffa an executive grant of clemency and sprung him from prison. The action allowed Hoffa to serve just five years of a 13-year sentence.
Hoffa evidently bought his way out. In 1996, Teamsters expert William Bastone disclosed that James P. (''Junior'') Hoffa and racketeer Allen Dorfman ''delivered $300,000 ''in a black valise'' to a Washington hotel to help secure the release of Hoffa's father'' from the pen. The name of the bagman on the receiving end of the transaction is redacted from legal documents filed in a court case. Bastone said the claim is based on ''FBI reports reflecting contacts with (former Teamster boss Jackie) Presser in 1971.''
In a recently released FBI memo confirming this, an informant details a $300,000 Mob payoff to the Nixon White House ''to guarantee the release of Jimmy Hoffa from the Federal penitentiary.''
Breaking from clemency custom, Nixon did not consult the judge who had sentenced Hoffa. Nor did he pay any mind to the U.S. Parole Board, which had unanimously voted three times in two years to reject Hoffa's appeals for release. The board had been warned by the Justice Department that Hoffa was Mob-connected. Long-time Nixon operative Chotiner eventually admitted interceding to get Hoffa paroled. ''I did it,'' he told columnist Jack Anderson in 1973, ''I make no apologies for it. And frankly I'm proud of it.''
At the time, The New York Times called the clemency a ''pivotal element in the strange love affair between the (Nixon) administration and the two-million-member truck union, ousted from the rest of the labor movement in 1957 for racketeer domination.''
As one example of President Nixon's ''strange love affair'' with the Teamsters, in a May 5, 1971 Oval Office conversation, Nixon and his chief of staff Bob Haldeman pondered a little favor they knew the union would be happy to carry out against anti-war demonstrators:
Veteran Mafia bigwig Bill Bonanno describes Nixon's clemency for Hoffa as ''a gesture, if ever there was one, of the national power (the Mob) once enjoyed.''Haldeman: What (Nixon aide Charles) Colson's gonna do on it, and I suggested he do, and I think they can get a, away with this . . . do it with the Teamsters. Just ask them to dig up those, their eight thugs.
Haldeman: Just call, call, uh, what's his name.
Haldeman: Is trying to get, play our game anyway. Is just, just tell Fitzsimmons...
President: They, they've got guys who'll go in and knock their heads off.
Haldeman: Sure. Murderers!
President Nixon did put one restriction on Hoffa's freedom: Hoffa could never again, directly or indirectly, manage any union. This decision, too, was the result of a financial incentive – from another wing of the Mafia. The restriction was reputedly bought by a $500,000 contribution to the Nixon campaign by New Jersey Teamster leader Anthony Provenzano –''Tony Pro'' – the head of the notorious Provenzano family, which, a House panel found in 1999, had for years dominated Teamsters New Jersey Local 560.
The Provenzanos, who were linked to the Genovese crime family, used Local 560 to carry out a full range of criminal activities, including murder, extortion, loan sharking, kickbacks, hijacking, and gambling.
During the Nixon administration, pressure from Washington eased off on other Mafia leaders, too, such as Chicago godfather Sam Giancana; long-standing deportation proceedings against CIA-connected mobster Johnny Roselli were dropped. Without going into specifics, lawyers from Nixon's Justice Department explained in court that Roselli had performed ''valuable services to the national security.''
A Giancana henchman, Roselli was an important contact man in the CIA-Mafia assassination plots against Cuban leader Fidel Castro. (Roselli and Dallas gangster Jack Ruby – the killer of JFK assassination suspect Lee Harvey Oswald – are reported to have met in hotels in Miami during the months before the JFK assassination.)
Roselli was also apparently acquainted with longtime Nixon associate CIA agent E. Howard Hunt. Nixon and Hunt were secretly top planners of the assassination plots on Castro when Nixon was vice president. And later, Roselli and Hunt are reported to have been co-conspirators in the 1961 assassination-by-ambush of Rafael Trujillo, dictator of the Dominican Republic. In the ‘70s, a Senate committee established that the CIA had supplied the weapons used against Trujillo. In 1976, Cygne, a Paris publication, quoted former Trujillo bodyguard L. Gonzales-Mata as saying that Roselli and Hunt arrived in the Dominican Republic in March 1971 to assist in plots against Trujillo.
Gonzalez-Mata described Hunt as ''a specialist'' with the CIA and Roselli as ''a friend of Batista'' who was operating on orders from both the CIA and the Mafia.
The Nixon administration intervened on the side of Mafia figures in at least 20 trials, mostly for the ostensible purpose of protecting CIA ''sources and methods.''
Nixon even went so far as to order the Justice Department to halt using the words ''Mafia'' and ''Cosa Nostra'' to describe organized crime. The President was roundly applauded when he boasted about his order at a private 1971 Oval Office meeting with some 40 members of the Supreme Council of the Sons of Italy. The group's Supreme Venerable, Americo Cortese, thanked Nixon for his moral leadership, declaring, ''You are our terrestrial god.''
As president, Nixon also pardoned Angelo ''Gyp'' DeCarlo, described by the FBI as a ''methodical gangland executioner.'' Supposedly terminally ill, DeCarlo was freed after serving less than two years of a 12-year sentence for extortion. Soon afterward, Newsweek reported the mobster was not too ill to be ''back at his old rackets, boasting that his connections with (singer Frank) Sinatra freed him.''
Sinatra had been ousted from JFK's social circle when the Kennedy Justice Department reported to the President that the singer had wide-ranging dealings and friendships with major mobsters. But the Nixon White House disregarded similar reports, and Sinatra went on to become fast friends with both Nixon and his corrupt vice president, Spiro Agnew.
In April 1973, at Nixon's request, Sinatra came out of retirement to sing at a White House state dinner for Italian President Giulio Andreotti. On the night of the dinner, the president compared Sinatra to the Washington Monument – ''The Top.''
In the summer of 1973, The New York Times reported that Nixon pardoned DeCarlo as a result of Sinatra's intervention with Agnew. The newspaper said the details were worked out by Agnew aide Peter Malatesta and Nixon counsel John Dean. The release reportedly followed an ''unrecorded contribution'' of $100,000 in cash and another contribution of $50,000 forwarded by Sinatra by to an unnamed Nixon campaign official.
FBI files released after Sinatra's 1998 death seem to confirm this and provide fresh details. An internal bureau memo of May 24, 1973, describes Sinatra as ''a close friend of Angelo DeCarlo of long standing.'' It says that in April 1972, DeCarlo asked singer Frankie Valli of ''My Eyes Adored You'' and ''Big Girls Don't Cry'' fame (when Valli was performing at the Atlanta Federal Penitentiary) to contact Sinatra and have him intercede with Agnew for DeCarlo's release.
Eventually, the memo continues, Sinatra ''allegedly turned over $100,000 cash to (Nixon campaign finance chairman) Maurice Stans as an unrecorded contribution.'' Vice presidential aide Peter Maletesta ''allegedly contacted former Presidential Counsel John Dean and got him to make the necessary arrangements to forward the request (for a presidential pardon) to the Justice Department.'' Sinatra is said to have then made a $50,000 contribution to the president's campaign fund. And, the memo reports, ''DeCarlo's release followed.''
Frank Sinatra's Mob ties go back at least as far as Nixon's. In 1947, the singer was photographed with Lucky Luciano and other mobsters in Cuba. The photo led syndicated columnist Robert Ruark to write three columns about Sinatra and the Mafia. The first was titled ''Shame Sinatra.''
The Nixon administration's generosity toward top Mob and Teamsters officials was truly remarkable: To cite just a few other examples:
- A few months after trouncing Sen. George McGovern in 1972, Nixon secretly
entertained Teamsters chief Frank Fitzsimmons in a private room at the White
House. Atty. Gen. Richard Kleindienst was summoned to the session ''and
ordered by Nixon to review all the Teamsters investigations at the Justice
Department and to make certain that Fitzsimmons and his cronies weren't hurt
by the probes.''
- In April 1973, The New York Times disclosed that FBI wiretaps had
uncovered a massive scheme to establish a national health plan for the
Teamsters – with pension fund members and top mobsters playing crucial roles
… and getting lucrative kickbacks. Yet Kleindienst rejected the FBI's plan
to continue taps related to the scheme. The chief schemers behind the
proposed rip-off had included Fitzsimmons and Teamsters pension fund
consultant Allen ''Red'' Dorfman.
- From 1969 through 1973, more than one-half of the Justice Department's
1,600 indictments in organized crime cases were tossed out because of
''improper procedures'' followed by Atty. Gen. John Mitchell in obtaining
court-approved authorization for wiretaps.
- During Nixon's administration, the Treasury Department declared a
moratorium on $1.3-million in back taxes owed by former Teamsters president
- In May 1973, the Oakland Tribune reported that Nixon aide Murray
Chotiner had interceded in a federal probe of Teamsters involvement in a
major Beverly Hills real estate scandal. As a result, the investigation
ended with the indictment of only three men. One of the three — Leonard
Bursten — a former director of the shady Miami National Bank, and a close
friend of Jimmy Hoffa, had his 15-year prison sentence reduced to probation.
- In June 1973, ex-Nixon aide John Dean revealed to the Senate Watergate Committee that Cal Kovens, a leading Florida Teamsters official, had won an early release from federal prison in 1972 through the efforts of Nixon aide Charles Colson, Bebe Rebozo, and former Florida Sen. George Smathers. Shortly after his release, Kovens contributed $50,000 to Nixon's re-election effort.
There's evidence Nixon later made an effort to cash in on the ''good deeds'' he had performed for his Mafia friends. Records reveal that FBI agents suspected the Nixon White House of soliciting $1 million from the Teamsters to pay hush money to the Watergate burglars.
In fact, in early 1973 – when the Watergate cover-up was coming apart at the seams – aide John Dean told the president that $1 million might be needed to keep the burglary team silent. Nixon responded, ''We could get that … you could get a million dollars. You could get it in cash, I know where it could be gotten.''
When Dean observed that money laundering ''is the type of thing Mafia people can do,'' Nixon calmly answered: ''Maybe it takes a gang to do that.''
It is suspected that most of the Watergate ''hush money'' distributed to E. Howard Hunt – who, during Watergate, was Nixon's secret chief spy – and other members of the burglary team came from Rebozo and other shadowy Nixon pals like Tony Provenzano, Jimmy Hoffa, Howard Hughes, Carlos Marcello, Santos Trafficante, Meyer Lansky, and Lansky buddy John Alessio.
An ex-con, Alessio, the gambling king of San Diego, was one of the few guests at Nixon's New York hotel suite on election night, 1968. Alessio was rubbing elbows with Nixon and his family at a very special occasion – despite a mid-‘60s conviction for skimming millions of dollars from San Diego's racetrack revenues.
On May 20, 1972 an anxious Richard Nixon picked up the Oval Office phone and called Anthony Provenzano's top henchman, Joseph Trerotola, a key Teamsters union power broker in his own right. Perhaps the President had some laundered cash in mind to help keep the Watergate burglars quiet about their White House ties. We will never know for sure why Tony Pro's right-hand man was one of the first people Nixon called after the burglary. Scholars who try to listen to that recently released one-minute-long conversation at the National Archives will find that the tape has been totally erased. The Archives believes the tape was probably erased by mistake by Secret Service overseers of Nixon's taping system. But an Archives spokesman acknowledges that Nixon – or someone else – might possibly have tampered with the Nixon-Trerotola tape.
A short time before phoning the mobster, Nixon had an Oval Office conversation about Watergate with his chief of staff, Bob Haldeman. This is the famous tape that contains an 18 and one-half minute erasure. The president's secretary, Rose Mary Woods, publicly took the fall for the ''gap'' in the Nixon-Haldeman tape, saying she might have accidentally made the erasure. Many historians suspect the president was the Eraser-in-Chief. Back then, the strangest explanation of all came from Nixon aide Alexander Haig, who publicly blamed a ''sinister force.'' Behind closed doors, however, Haig told Watergate Special Prosecutor Leon Jaworski that the tape in question had been ''screwed with.'' At first, Nixon went along with ''the secretary did it'' story. But he later blamed one of his Watergate lawyers, Fred Buzhardt – after Buzhardt's death.
After Nixon left office in August 1974 to avoid being impeached by Congress for the illegal activities he supervised and concealed during the Watergate scandal, he spent more than a year brooding in self-exile at his walled estate in San Clemente, Calif. The very first post-resignation invitation the disgraced ex-president accepted was from his Teamsters buddies. On Oct. 9, 1975, he played golf at La Costa, a Mob-owned California resort with Teamsters chief Frank Fitzsimmons and other top union officials. Among those who attended a post-golf game party for Nixon were Provenzano, Dorfman, and the union's executive secretary, Murray (''Dusty'') Miller.
Tony Pro would later die in prison, a convicted killer. A key Mob-Teamster financial coordinator, Dorfman was later murdered gangland-style. Murray ''Dusty'' Miller was the man, records show, gangster Jack Ruby had telephoned several days before Ruby murdered Lee Harvey Oswald in Dallas in November 1963.
In July 1975, Jimmy Hoffa vanished in a Detroit suburb, and his body has never been found. Some federal investigators believe he was shot to death after being lured to a reconciliation meeting with Provenzano, who never showed up. On at least two occasions, Tony Pro had threatened to kill Hoffa and kidnap his children. Investigators theorize Hoffa's body was then taken away by truck, stuffed into a fifty-gallon drum, then crushed and smelted.
Why does the Mafia sometimes dispose of the body of a hit victim? For one thing, if there's no corpse, it's harder to find and convict the killer or killers. For another, as Robert Kennedy Mob-fighter Ronald Goldfarb observes, disposal occurs when the Mob ''wants to add shame and disgrace to a murder by embarrassing the victim's family who are left with no body or funeral, no final end.''
Jimmy Hoffa was declared legally dead in 1982.
Newly released FBI documents show that, in 1978, federal investigators sought to force former President Nixon and Teamster boss Fitzsimmons to testify about events surrounding Hoffa's disappearance. The investigators concluded that such testimony offered the last, best chance of solving the Hoffa mystery. But they accused top Justice Department officials of derailing their efforts to call the two men before a Detroit grand jury.
The records also reveal that FBI agents suspected the Nixon White House of soliciting $1 million from the Teamsters to keep the Watergate burglars silent.
The disclosures are detailed in more than 2,000 pages of previously secret FBI documents — obtained by the Detroit Free Press through a Freedom of Information lawsuit. They show that Fitzsimmons had actually been a government informant on an unspecified matter from 1972 to 1974. Could Fitzsimmons's cooperation in that case have persuaded the Justice Department to turn thumbs down on the grand jury idea?
The records don't say. But they do show that the Detroit FBI office sent a number of memos to Washington stressing that Nixon and Fitzsimmons could hold the answers to the Hoffa case.
Robert Stewart, a former assistant U.S. attorney in Buffalo, N.Y., who helped lead the investigation into just how Hoffa vanished, said in another memo: ''The one individual who could prove the matter beyond a doubt is Richard Nixon.'' Stewart wasn't sure whether Nixon would cooperate, given that he had been pardoned by successor Gerald Ford for his involvement in the Watergate scandal. But the investigator added that Nixon ''must certainly appreciate that while the pardon may protect him as to whatever happened in the White House, a fresh perjury committed in a current grand jury would place him in dire jeopardy.''
In a separate memo to headquarters, Detroit FBI agents concluded, ''It would be a gross understatement to state that Fitzsimmons is the key to the solution of this case, and yet he represents the major problem encountered with the Department of Justice … Fitzsimmons should have appeared long ago before the federal grand jury in Detroit to answer questions about his association with Hoffa and any possible involvement he had in dealings leading up to Hoffa's disappearance. To date, the Department of Justice has refused to allow Fitzsimmons to testify.''
Fitzsimmons died three years later, never appearing before the grand jury. Of course, Nixon, who died in 1994, never appeared either.
Nixon first met Fitzsimmons when Jimmy Hoffa was still in jail and Fitzsimmons was in line to succeed him as Teamsters boss. The President and Fitz quickly colluded on a plan for Hoffa's release, and they started an alliance that was sealed with cold cash – huge payments involving the Mob. How much –in addition to the previously mentioned $300,000 in the black valise that Hoffa's son and Allen Dorfman allegedly delivered from Hoffa – is not known, but there are indications it was considerably more.
In 1997, a former Fitzsimmons crony named Harry Hall told historian Anthony Summers: ''Fitzsimmons figured he'd found an ally in Nixon. The Teamsters would help him financially, and Nixon ate that up … I was told they gave money to Chotiner that was to go to Nixon. I think it was close to $500,000.''
Hall added that the half-million was intended for Nixon's personal use; and that a similar amount was donated to the president's re-election campaign.
In return, a delighted Nixon privately praised the union's members to Fitzsimmons as ''stand-up guys.'' And the President did a big personal favor for the Teamsters chief – he had the Justice Department stop a probe of Fitz's son, Richard, who was accused of allowing his wife and children to use a union credit card to buy $1,500 worth of gas for their cars. One federal investigator said the case against Richard Fitzsimmons was dropped because of the ''love affair'' between Nixon and Fitz.
In a smaller favor, but one that meant a great deal to the golf-addicted Fitzsimmons, Nixon ordered aide Charles Colson to try to get Fitz into a prestigious Washington country club. Colson wrote a memo to his assistant, George Bell: ''Fitz wants Columbia because that's where (AFL-CIO union president George) Meany belongs. But if (Fitz) got into Burning Tree (where the President golfed) he could be one up on Meany, which would appeal to him – any way you have to, but do it somehow, whatever needs to be done. I suspect the President would write a letter (on Fitz's behalf) if needed.''
Colson wore horn-rimmed glasses and was a tall, heavyset, tough-talking ex-Marine who was ruthless with Nixon's enemies (he had a motto above his bar: ''Once you have them by the balls, their hearts and minds will follow''). Yet Colson showed an amiable, even pliable side, when doling out favors to the President's mobbed-up labor allies.
A Jan. 19, 1972 Justice Department memo predicted that a Fitzsimmons Teamsters associate – a New York hoodlum named Daniel Gagliardi – would be indicted for extortion ''sometime next month.'' But Gagliardi knew whom to phone for help in the Nixon White House: Chuck Colson. He actually spoke with Colson's aide George Bell, who later told his boss in a memo: ''I talked to Gagliardi, who maintained complete ignorance and innocence regarding the Teamsters. (He) asked that he be gotten off the hook.''
Colson wrote back to Bell: ''Watch for this. Do all possible.''
Bell obviously carried out his assignment: Gagliardi was never indicted.
Nixon's and Colson's courting of Fitzsimmons paid off big-time at a July 17, 1972 meeting of Teamster leaders at the Mob-owned La Costa Country Club near San Diego. The union's 17-member executive board enthusiastically endorsed Nixon for re-election. Afterwards, the entire board traveled 35 miles up the California coast to the Western White House in San Clemente. There they delivered the good news to President Nixon and posed for individual pictures with him.
In October, Fitzsimmons issued a statement saying, ''The biggest weapon the American worker has to protect himself and his country is the ballot. This year we are going to use it to reject the extremism of (Democratic nominee Senator) George McGovern, and to re-elect a great American – President Richard Nixon.''
In November, Nixon scored a landslide victory over McGovern (who won only Massachusetts and the District of Columbia) and prepared to give the nation ''four more years'' of his rather peculiar brand of ''law and order.'' [February 5, 2006]
An interesting footnote: Jack Ruby worked for Congressman Richard Nixon as a witness for the House on Un American Activities Committee in Chicago, when his name was still Jack Rubenstein, yet another direct link between Richard Nixon and the assassination of John F. Kennedy.
"Corrupt and Incompetent Law Enforcement Officials give murderers the opportunity to evade criminal prosecution, but the public always knows exactly what a murderer looks like and how he or she behaves."
Blackmail is strictly a vehicle of coercion. The practise is itself repulsive but the ramifications that surround it are even graver.
People who practise blackmail are like dope addicts -the disease is progressive. If, for example blackmail does not fulfil the desired consequences, murder is the natural follow up.
The failed attempt to blackmail and coerce Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., prompted his murder.
The failure to blackmail or to manipulate the Kennedys towards a specific policy direction made it clear in the "one track mind" of the zealot, that murder was the only way to deal with them. In particular, Hoover's obsession to control people and their ideas had in fact made targets out of the most prominent people in America.
They were not all blackmail victims in the literal sense of the word, but they were all victims of the obsessive campaign to control public opinion. Political adversaries made ideal blackmail targets because politicians are deemed to be publicly accountable and are consequently more susceptible to the effort to publicly embarrass them. To be sure, when the blackmail charges are extremely frivolous and evidently fraudulent, the effort ultimately fails, even though the allegations linger and often assume a "second life" when they are exploited by publicity-seeking scavengers who embellish sensational lies. The insidious effort to control through blackmail is not very effective against prominent targets like Ernest Hemingway who were not easily intimidated, and the obsession to control them progressively escalated to the point where the "target" was murdered. To be sure, public ignorance records the "fact" that Hemingway committed suicide. Regardless, there is not a single shred of credible evidence to suggest that Hemingway did in fact kill himself. Ernest Hemingway was a persistent target of Hoover's FBI since at least 1940 when Hoover was infuriated over what he saw as unwarranted intrusion into his exclusive right to spy. In 1940, Hemingway had organized a private spy network in Cuba to gather information about Nazi sympathizers, in effort to undermine Hitler's war. Hemingway called his anti-Nazi operation the Crook Factory, and Hoover's repeated, failed attempts to close down the operation invariably fanned his paranoia. The "infallible" Director was not used to being denied, and Hemingway was consequently viewed to be a powerful adversary who was feared as much as he was despised. The 124-page FBI file on Hemingway reflects the fear, the paranoia and the zeal to control the famous writer who was treated like a dangerous adversary. Hemingway's FBI file "showed that the Bureau resented his amateur but alarming intrusion into their territory; that it unsuccessfully attempted to control, mock and vilify him; that it feared his personal prestige and political power." Hoover's relentless efforts to discredit Hemingway reflects the paranoia of a dangerous demagogue who was unable and unwilling to leave his target alone. In 1942, J. Edgar Hoover wrote: "Any information which you have relating to the unreliability of Ernest Hemingway as an informant may be discreetly brought to the attention of the Ambassador Braden. In this respect it will be recalled that recently Hemingway gave information concerning the refuelling of submarines in Caribbean waters which has proved unreliable." Just two days after dismissing Hemingway as "unreliable" Hoover wrote: "[Hemingway's] judgment is not of the best, and if his sobriety is the same as it was some years ago, that is certainly questionable". In contrast to Hoover's frivolous, malicious and relentless efforts to dismiss Hemingway's entire life by claiming that he was absolutely nothing beyond an unreliable, pathetic drunk with the proclivity to support Communist causes, Hemingway's characterization of Hoover's FBI has proven to be entirely accurate. In 1950, when Most Americans were still having a love-in with the Director and his so-called infallible FBI, Hemingway said that Hoover's FBI was antiliberal, pro-Fascist and dangerous of developing into an American Gestapo." In retrospect, Hemingway's assessment was absolutely reliable. Watergate burglar Gordon Liddy, who joined the FBI in 1957, is certainly a living embodiment of the fact that Hoover's FBI was essentially "America's Gestapo." Indeed, the evidence is so clear and beyond dispute that one does not even need to make any inferences or assumptions. All one has to do, is to quote Gordon Liddy himself. Liddy's FBI training led him to develop the belief that he belonged to an elite corps of agents whose duty it was to save America from all form of subversion -real or imagined and J. Edgar Hoover was the supreme dictator who spearheaded the national security-motivated war. In the words of Gordon Liddy: "As Adolph Hitler was referred to throughout the Third Reich as simply der Fuhrer, so J. Edgar Hoover was referred to throughout the FBI as the Director." Hoover storm trooper, Gordon Liddy was prepared to do whatever was deemed to be necessary, to satisfy der Fuhrer. Indeed, discussion about the liquidation of political enemies was entertained as casually as most people talk about the weather. The following Liddy narrative reflects the sinister murder plots that tyrannical intelligence spooks like J. Edgar Hoover were prone to embrace:
I urged as the logical and just solution that the target [Jack Anderson] be killed. Quickly. My suggestion was received with immediate acceptance, almost relief, as if they were just waiting for someone else to say for them what was really on their minds. There followed a lengthy discussion of the ways and means to accomplish the task best. Hunt [former CIA agent who has been linked as a co-conspirator in the Kennedy assassination] still enamoured of the LSD approach asked Dr. Gunn [a physician retired from the CIA known for his "unorthodox application of medical and chemical knowledge"] whether a massive dose might not cause such disruption of motor function that the driver of the car would lose control of it and crash. [like Kennedy's car at Chappaquiddick, the event that, according to Nixon, "would undermine Kennedy's role as a leader of the opposition to the administration's policies.]4 Dr. Gunn repeated his earlier negative advice on the use of LSD. Besides, though LSD can be absorbed through the skin, our hypothetical target might be wearing gloves against the winter cold, or be chauffeur-driven. The use of LSD was, finally dismissed. Hunt's suggestion called to Dr. Gunn's mind a technique used successfully abroad. It involved catching the target's moving automobile in a sharp turn or sharp curve and hitting it with another car on the outside rear quarter. According to Dr. Gunn, if the angle of the blow and the relative speeds of the two vehicles were correct, the target vehicle would flip over, crash, and usually burn.Liddy goes on and on talking about all kinds of different ways to murder people and about illegal FBI operations which were always staged in a manner that made it appear as though the FBI was absolutely blameless. Indeed J. Edgar Hoover routinely authorized criminal activity like illegal surveillance, mail openings, unauthorized bugging, illegal wiretaps, break-ins and murder -and it was all successfully covered up through the overriding obsession to avoid discovery. Gordon Liddy embodies the fact that murder was the ultimate consequence of Hoover's obsession to control a particular target, and like all illegal FBI activity, it was done in a manner that "proved" that it was not the fault of the FBI even though it was. Ernest Hemingway was precocious enough to characterize the murderous capacity of Hoover's FBI, but he was ignored and at least four decades ahead of his time -we are still just beginning to appreciate the significance of Hoover-directed tyranny. Would-be assassins like Gordon Liddy should certainly erase every single shred of doubt about the fact that J. Edgar Hoover cultivated and worked with murderers. To be sure, Gordon Liddy has never been prosecuted for murder, but like Al Capone who was also accomplished in the art of covering up criminal operations, allegations of murder follow him as closely as is evidently warranted. According to Washington attorney Bernard Fensterwald: "G. Gordon Liddy has been reliably linked to two separate alleged murder plans during his work for Nixon's top aides, and one other actual completed murder, during his previous FBI service."6 When Liddy became Nixon's crony and the cozy relationship between Hoover and the Nixon White House soured, Liddy and his faithful Cuban partners in crime were responsible for break-ins at Hoover's apartment and "a poison of the thyon-phosphate genre was placed on Hoover's personal toilet articles."7 The poison induces fatal heart attacks. Howard Hunt had indicated that he had been ordered to kill Anderson with an untraceable poison and while the scheme was dropped, the simple fact that zealots with a proclivity to commit politically motivated murder had access to such diabolical resources, is in itself revolting.
If the implications of the sinister dimension of Hoover's FBI are not acknowledged, it is not possible to realistically assess the actual substance of the relationship between Hoover and Hemingway. There is in fact a huge gaping omission in the historical record because deception, denial, fraud and evasion has too often provided the opportunity to cover up Hoover sponsored crime. Moreover, the common tendency to ignore the significance of Hoover's ferocious, anti-Hemingway crusade certainly dulls the prospect of reconstructing the elusive truth. In retrospect, it is impossible to ignore the fact that the extreme hostility between Hoover and Hemingway drew battle lines which were clearly defined and courted predictable casualties. In particular, Hemingway despised and opposed the McCarthy-style persecutions that Hoover secretly supported, criticized the practise of using the FBI to harass American citizens without justification and was predictably "exiled" for vigorously condemning the tyranny that Hoover promoted and encouraged.
Quoted in Look in May of 1954, when McCarthy was at the height of his power, Hemingway said that there is nothing "wrong with Senator Joseph McCarthy of Wisconsin that a .577 solid would not cure". McCarthy and Hoover evidently incited the worst and destroyed the best of everything they touched. Hemingway was not a gun-toting extremist. It was Hoover who induced that spirit. The frustration of being persecuted by Hoover's FBI had taken its toll as early as 1954, when FBI agents evidently shadowed Hemingway wherever he went. Recall that Frank Wilkinson, a relatively obscure target had as many as eight FBI agents tailing him -an internationally reputed author like Hemingway was invariably the victim of an equally outrageous degree of unwarranted, illegal surveillance. But despite the fact that he was a target of covert, illegal operations, Hemingway was provided no recourse to justice and could do very little beyond mock the "obtrusive, inescapable FBI men, pleasant and all trying to look so average, clean-cut-young-American that they stood out as clearly as though they had worn a bureau shoulder patch on their white linen or seersucker suits". Hoover used the "infallible" wing of the FBI to spy on Hemingway, and unbeknownst to agents who were simply following relatively innocuous instructions, they ultimately aided and abetted a murderer like J. Edgar Hoover. Clearly, when FBI agents placed Hemingway under surveillance to develop a derogatory profile, the plot to discredit Hemingway escalated from the effort to label him a drunk, a liar, and a Communist to the determination to declare him insane in order to justify his alleged suicide. FBI smear campaigns against Hemingway were extremely secretive because Hoover was afraid to confront him in public and public ignorance made it easy for him to promote the suggestion that Hemingway was paranoid. How, for example, could Hemingway convincingly claim that Hoover's FBI was America's Gestapo, when the FBI did not publicly demonstrate any interest in him? In the final analysis, it is the extreme secrecy that Hoover maintained which provided the opportunity to promote the claim that Hemingway was paranoid and unstable when in fact he was more reasonable and more perceptive than most. Critics who harp on common misrepresentations had a field day with the claim that Hemingway committed suicide, but they merely promoted common ignorance. Hoover had spent over a decade trying to convince anyone who would listen that Hemingway was unreliable, and it was only a matter of time before his relentless, illegal intrusions destroyed Hemingway. Having committed the unpardonable sin of challenging the infallible reputation of the FBI, Hemingway was clearly a priority target who was always shadowed by the FBI until the very day he was murdered or, as the official record dictates, "committed suicide".
In late 1960, when Hemingway arrived in New York, having left Cuba for the last time, Hemingway told his wife Mary: "They're tailing me out here already... Somebody waiting out there."9 Hoover's FBI was indeed always tailing Hemingway -a harassment that disturbed him so profoundly that he didn't even want to leave his small apartment. Hemingway's wife dismissed his legitimate concerns and developed the belief that he was "losing it". Ironically, it is the fact that Hemingway was perceptive enough to challenge unwarranted FBI surveillance which prompted the allegation that he was suffering from delusions, paranoia, fear of persecution -mental illness. But it is the people who claimed that Hemingway was unstable who were ultimately deluded. Hoover's FBI in New York had nothing better to than to tail so-called Communist subversives and prominent adversaries like Hemingway were invariably smothered by overzealous FBI agents who thrived upon the opportunity to satisfy the Director's paranoia over public literary enemy number one. Hemingway's deepest and most disturbing fear concerning the FBI was well grounded, yet he was constantly branded paranoid whenever he exposed what was essentially the truth. Perfectly logical commentary like "nobody likes to be tailed... investigated, queried about, by any amateur detective no matter how scholarly or how straight", reflected legitimate frustrations not paranoia -frustrations that Hemingway had to deal with all by himself. Even his wife and his so-called friend Hotchner, who called him paranoid simply because he acknowledged the obvious, inadvertently made it easier for Hoover to persecute Hemingway. Determined to "prove" that Hemingway was unreliable, paranoid and delusionary, the secrecy that Hoover imposed ultimately granted the opportunity to exploit the ignorance of those who did not acknowledge the threat that Hoover's FBI posed. Mary and Hotchner certainly manifested the phenomenal ignorance which shaped their frivolous perspectives:
Both Mary and Hotchner have said that Hemingway imagined he was being followed and spied on by FBI agents in Ketchum and in the Mayo Clinic, and that no kind of argument or evidence could change his mind or alleviate his irrational but quite terrifying fear. Mary and Hotchner thought his fear of the FBI meant that he was losing touch with reality and heading for a mental breakdown -[all music to Hoover's ears]Hemingway, who was invariably always followed by Hoover's FBI, has been posthumously vindicated. Hemingway wasn't paranoid. Hotchner and Mary were ignorant.
In 1960, suffering from high blood pressure, liver and kidney diseases and haemochromatosis, a rare, chronic form of diabetes, Hemingway sought medical treatment to relieve his physical ailments. Hemingway was not, as has been frequently suggested, a psychiatric patient. Having endured a liver malady since 1937, Hemingway had given up drinking on the advice of his doctor, but by 1960, his worsening condition prompted the need for further medical attention. Thus, on November 30, 1960, Hemingway entered the Mayo clinic and hoped to return home by Christmas. Knowing that the FBI was monitoring every move that he made, Hemingway sought to enter the Mayo clinic under an assumed name to keep his visits to the Mayo a secret, but despite Hemingway's expressed orders, Dr. Rome, a psychiatrist at the Mayo Clinic, violated Hemingway's right to privacy. The FBI was carefully monitoring Hemingway's treatment at the Mayo clinic and "a letter from special agent in Minneapolis to J. Edgar Hoover on January 13, 1960 reported that Hemingway had secretly entered the Mayo Clinic and the FBI knew about his treatment." Indeed "the FBI had, in fact, tracked Hemingway to the walls of the Mayo Clinic and discussed his case with his psychiatrist." Dr. Rome was evidently cooperating more with Hoover's FBI and not at all, to the concerns of Ernest Hemingway. This direct, unethical violation of Hemingway's rights and expressed orders is directly responsible for his murder. At the Mayo Clinic, instead of treating the physical ailments that concerned him, Hemingway was given a series of electric shocks to the brain. Electro-convulsive therapy was the best-known treatment for hopeless psychiatric patients, it was not a cure for liver disease. It was, above all, an extreme, illegal, perverted effort to induce a stubborn non-conformist to become the docile and passive FBI cheerleader that Hoover demanded.
Prior to having received shock therapy at the Mayo, Hemingway had never attempted suicide and had never sought out or received psychiatric treatment. Moreover, there is no credible evidence to suggest that he required a treatment as harmful and as controversial as shock therapy. When medical experts like Dr. Bonnie Burstow, an outspoken critic of ECT, describes the treatment, it sounds like the entire procedure was the ideal behaviour modification tool that Hoover spent a life time seeking to acquire. According to Dr. Burstow:
Why am I opposed to shock treatment... To begin with, because of what it is, intrinsically a brain damaging treatment. To understand this, it is important to know how the treatment works. Shock treatment is one in which sufficient electricity is passed through the brain to produce a grand mal seizure, thereby resulting in cell death. This is what it does; this is all it does. Brain damage, to be clear, is not a side-effect of shock treatment. It is the primary effect.Moreover, there is absolutely no reliable evidence to even remotely suggest that Hemingway would ever submit to such a radical method of treatment. On the contrary, his lifelong scorn of psychiatrists coupled with his assertion that his analyst was "portable Corona No. 3", strongly suggests that the treatment that he received at the Mayo Clinic, a direct violation of everything that Hemingway believed in, was as improper and as unethical as aiming a gun at his head and pulling the trigger. If Hemingway cooperated with Dr. Rome, it was probably because, as Anthony Burgess has indicated, Dr. Rome "was a psychiatrist but did not present himself as one."
In retrospect, the fact that J. Edgar Hoover exploited the prestige of the FBI and used the behavioral sciences to control people like Hemingway, is not at all surprising. Given Hoover's paranoia and obsessions, it is not unreasonable to assume that there exists a closet full of controversial "suicide" cases which reflect Hoover's tendency to use the influence of his "infallible" FBI to enlist the services of unsuspecting or sympathetic professionals, in his private, covert war against domestic "subversives". The two most common cases which evidently reflect Hoover-sponsored tampering are Dr. Rome who treated Hemingway and Dr. Greenson, who treated Marilyn Monroe. Hoover had essentially cultivated the extraordinary capacity to "dictate individual sanity" and that evidently intoxicated Hoover with the sense that his power was absolutely divine. Indeed, when Martin Luther King, Jr., became his priority target, Hoover's FBI actually sought to induce him into committing suicide. The astounding arrogance of the belief that Hoover's FBI could simply will King into committing suicide by promoting the belief that the civil rights champion was perverse and mentally unstable, is evidently an astonishing insight into what Hoover's FBI deemed possible -like the capacity to prompt the "suicide" of Hemingway. The bizarre plot to provoke the "suicide" of King had to be linked to previous Hoover-instigated perversions like the "suicide" of Hemingway -it just doesn't make sense in isolation. But if Hoover had made Hemingway kill himself, why couldn't he attempt to do the same to King? In the final analysis, the missing ingredient in the attempt to cause King's suicide was a "politically reliable" Doctor who could be prevailed upon to manipulate King and to maintain the level of secrecy that Hoover demanded. Indeed, without Dr. Rome, Hoover could not have possibly prompted Hemingway's "suicide" because he would have been denied the opportunity to exploit the influence of the "behavioral sciences" in the ongoing effort to "prove" that Hemingway was insane. The cooperative, extremely secretive relationship between Dr. Rome and Hoover's FBI, ultimately determined that Hemingway was hopelessly insane. In the midst of it all, secrecy is ultimately responsible for the perverted plots that Hoover managed to get away with. Secrecy provided J. Edgar Hoover the opportunity to recruit "politically reliable" doctors who did little beyond perform what they saw as their patriotic duty by taking Hoover's FBI at face value. Secrecy provided Dr. Rome the opportunity to zap Hemingway's brain with electric currents while he slept, and secrecy provided J. Edgar Hoover the opportunity to cover it all up. In retrospect, the aura of secrecy which surrounds the treatment of Hemingway is repugnant. Dr. Rome conveniently claimed patient/client privilege and refused to talk but he was evidently quite comfortable talking to Hoover's FBI about Hemingway. Despite violating Hemingway's trust by cooperating with Hoover's FBI, Doctor Rome demonstrated the shameless audacity to hide behind the censorship refrain: "I've made it practice never ever to reveal any of my contacts with Mr. Hemingway because I gave him my word when he was my patient."14 It all sounds very ethical, but under the circumstances, an orchestrated cover up is the only rational explanation which accounts for the extreme secrecy. Psychiatrist Irvin D. Yalom made a futile effort to uncover the truth, but "gag orders" effectively denied the opportunity to penetrate all the deception. Doctor Irvin D. Yalom is as specific as Rome is evasive. According to Yalom:
I attempted to interview Howard Rome, the psychiatrist who treated Hemingway in his final depression but he informed me, with a finger across his mouth, that before treating Hemingway he had been obliged to promise that his lips would be forever sealed.How convenient. Here you have the murder of an internationally celebrated genius and Doctor Rome's "lips were sealed". At the same time, while Doctor Rome distorts the truth through his refusal to tell it, he belittles the opinions of psychiatrists through arrogant commentary like "That's his opinion", and "I don't know that Dr. Robitscher ever saw Mr. Hemingway", and having been told that he had not, he pompously added, "Then that's his opinion, gratuitously." In actual fact, even if Dr. Robitscher had tried to see Hemingway before his death, he would have been denied access, and in that respect, Dr. Rome is not at all authoritative, just evasive. Indeed, even Hemingway's friend, Winston Guest, was denied access to Hemingway. According to Mr. Guest:
I knew he'd gone to a hospital, but I was very naive about it; I didn't know how ill he was. I'll never forget finding out who was the top psychiatrist at the hospital and I called him and said I wanted to talk to Ernest. I told him who I was. The doctor said practically, "Are you mad? Are you crazy? You can't talk to him at all." So then I guessed he must have been seriously ill, mentally ill. And I never saw him again after that."Mr. Guest illustrates the ease in which the assumption that Hemingway was insane was, without good cause or authority, matter-of-factly accepted. A more scrupulous analysis, offered by author Jeffrey Meyers, effectively challenged the credibility of the erroneous assertion that Hemingway was insane and highlights the simple fact that Hemingway was essentially murdered through shock therapy when he said:
For some people, yes [shock therapy is an effective treatment]. But when it didn't work with Hemingway the first time they tried it a second time. And when it didn't work a second time, they tried it a third time. Rome should have gotten the picture that with this patient it's not working. He just had one way of doing everything. If somebody came in to Rome with cancer or a hang nail, he'd probably get shock treatment.When author Denis Brian asked Doctor Rome to justify repeated shock therapy treatment, he predictably said: "Unless you know the whole content of what he had... But I choose not to talk about that."
To talk about the "whole content," Ernest Hemingway was obsessed by the incredible passion to live -he even gave up drinking for it. In fact, throughout his life, he repeatedly equated the act of committing suicide with cowardice, and one would really have to stretch the imagination to suggest that Hemingway was a coward. Indeed, the very thought of what he perceived to be a cowardly act like suicide repulsed Hemingway and in 1935, he clearly exposed his unequivocal, anti-suicide "crusade" when he wrote:
My father was a coward. He shot himself without necessity. At least I thought so. I had gone through it myself until I figured it in my head. I knew what it was to be a coward and what it was to cease being a coward. Now, truly, in actual danger I felt a clean feeling as in a shower. Of course it was easy now. That was because I no longer cared what happened. I knew it was better to live it so that if you died you had done everything that you could do about your work and your enjoyment of life up to that minute, reconciling the two, which is very difficult.Having equated the act of suicide to cowardice, Hemingway was effectively immune. The ending of A Farewell to Arms, rewritten seventy times, reflects Hemingway's general philosophy:
He has the most profound bravery that it has ever been my privilege to see... He has had pain, ill-health, and the kind of poverty that you don't believe-the kind of which actual hunger is the attendant; he has had about eight times the normal allotment of responsibilities. And he has never compromised. He has never turned off an easier path than the one he staked himself. It takes courage.In the final analysis, the claim that Hemingway committed suicide is patently absurd. Hemingway was in fact the last person in the world who can credibly be called suicidal. Even despair, which is commonly used to justify suicide, was a hurdle that motivated Hemingway to strive to become the very best that he could possibly be. In a letter to Scott Fitzgerald in 1934, Hemingway essentially exposed the motivation that made him both a great writer and an unlikely suicide victim, when her wrote:
We are all bitched from the start and you especially have to hurt like hell before you can write seriously. But when you get the damned hurt use it -don't cheat with it. Be as faithful to it as a scientist.Despair was never a serious obstacle, it is actually what made Hemingway put pen to paper. Living through his work, Hemingway retained his zest to live and to write for as long as he was not the victim of shock therapy. That became quite obvious in February of 1961, [after shock therapy treatment] when Hemingway tried to pen a few words to commemorate the newly inaugurated President John F. Kennedy. The month previous, an invitation to attend the Kennedy inauguration had cheered Hemingway, but he was too ill to attend. And so he continued to try to pen just a few words, to thank the new President for the invitation. Hours latter, the paper was still blank. J. Edgar Hoover had finally destroyed Hemingway's capacity to think and to write. Just a few words, any school child, gifted or not, could pen just a few words. Hemingway, the literary genius, father of A Farewell to Arms and For Whom the Bell Tolls could not pen just a few words. Hemingway was dead.
It had taken a long time for Hoover to determine how to deal with a popular dissenter like Hemingway without arousing suspicion and he had finally figured it out. In retrospect, it was all a typically perverted J. Edgar Hoover plot -it was the most bizarre, unbelievable exploitation of power imaginable. The golden rule of pre-watergate, mainstream America was to obey and not to question authority and that gave Hoover's highly trusted FBI agents an extraordinary degree of power. But in the context of the abuse of power that Hoover practised, FBI agents were essentially spies who provided Hoover the opportunity to target and to scheme the murder of his enemies. Indeed, even unsuspecting FBI informants like Ronald Reagan, who spied on his fellow co-workers in hollywood and branded them Communists, ultimately furthered the perverse ends of J. Edgar Hoover. In the final analysis, the evil inherent in spying on law abiding citizens is clear. History clearly records the fact that there is very little, if any distinction between politically motivated spying and counselling to commit murder, and intelligence agencies and their informants have established an extremely deplorable record of criminal culpability. Indeed, throughout North America, the most enduring legacy that intelligence agencies have established on the domestic front is a record of excessive, unmerited use of covert action. The tragic, senseless murder of Ernest Hemingway is just one of countless cases where targets of illegal surveillance were exterminated like flies. The only reason we can determine what happened to Hemingway is that he was famous enough for people to have written books about him. Lesser targets or relative unknowns, were even easier to victimize through the power of secrecy. A staged suicide, a staged burglary, a staged car accident or any other perverted scheme that lurks in the minds of the Gordon Liddy's and the Howard Hunt's of this world, should be exposed by the vast resources of the intelligence community, they should not be facilitated.
Like Hemingway, Marilyn Monroe was also a victim of Hoover's McCarthyite witch hunts. Since 1956, when Marilyn Monroe's husband, playwright Arthur Miller, was hauled before the Un-American Activities Committee to purge his so-called Communist associations, Monroe developed a serious hatred for Committee supporters like Richard Nixon and J. Edgar Hoover and she didn't hesitate to make her views known. Like Hemingway, who had lashed out at McCarthy, Monroe was livid with anger and in 1958, she blasted:
Some of those bastards in Hollywood wanted me to drop Arthur. Said it would ruin my career. They're born cowards and want you to be like them. One reason I want to see Kennedy win is that Nixon's associated with that whole scene.Red-baiting zealots disturbed and angered Monroe and it was her hatred of anti-Communist rabble-rousers like Hoover and Nixon, that drove her towards the Kennedy camp. Hoover considered Marilyn Monroe to be a serious threat to the national security of the United States, and she certainly fanned his paranoia in 1960 when she became a sponsor of SANE, the Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy. Clearly, as far as Hoover was concerned, Monroe was a certifiable Communist -her strong feelings for civil rights, for black equality and for peace, was in fact the so-called un-American agenda that Hoover violently opposed. In retrospect, the battle lines were very clearly defined. Demagogues like Hoover and Nixon manufactured, encouraged and exploited un-American hysteria while reasonable people were repulsed by what was clearly an ignorant witch hunt. Even the eminent British historian, Professor Arnold Toynbee, ridiculed the Cold War tendency to bully the individual through what he called "mass opinion", and like John F. Kennedy, who discredited Cold War epithets, Professor Toynbee ridiculed the very word "Un-American" when he said:
This word "Un-American!" -the Committee on Un-American Activities. A Committee on "Un-British Activities" for the British Parliament would be so laughable it could not be done. Or can you imagine a "Committee against Un-French Activities?"Most Americans shared the belief that Hoover's Un-American witch hunt strangled individual hope and freedom, and in 1983, Gloria Steinhem essentially assessed the damage when she said:
It was [Kennedy's Presidency] the last time in my life that the majority views of the country have been connected to the government.Indeed, in the 1960's, "the majority views of the country" were violently opposed and the diabolical plots of a national security-motivated minority determined the course of American politics. Innocent victims like Marilyn Monroe were caught in a political crossfire. The political volatility of the 1950's and 1960's certainly dominated and claimed both the life and the death of Marilyn Monroe. The House on Un-American activities was not a local, Washington witch hunt -it was a phenomenon that had even divided hollywood into two hostile camps that saw self-proclaimed anti-Communists on the right, identifying, blacklisting and harassing anyone who was deemed to be an agent of Communism. Hoover was particularly obsessed by the struggle in hollywood because he believed that Communists were trying to infiltrate the movie industry and he certainly was not about to let that happen. Astoundingly, just like anti-Castro operations in Cuba, the interests of Hoover and the Mafia converged in hollywood as well. The secret war to dominate the hollywood industry was also a preoccupation of L.A. mobsters like Mickey Cohen, who made a career out of exploiting hollywood stars like Marilyn Monroe. Blackmailing movie stars by threatening to expose their secret sexual liaisons, Cohen arranged for the lovemaking of his targets to be surreptitiously filmed and recorded. Johnny Roselli, who shared the interest in "carving out" a piece of hollywood for the Mafia, was Giancana's hollywood representative, and that placed Monroe's blackmail potential in a new perspective. Marilyn Monroe, who was an acquaintance of both the Kennedys and Mafia predators like Johnny Roselli, was natural "bait" in the desperate, obsessive campaign to blackmail the Kennedys.
And so when rumors about affairs between the Kennedys and Marilyn Monroe began to fly, it is not surprising to note that the source of these groundless allegations was none other than Hoover's Mafia friends. On August 1, 1962, just three days before Marilyn Monroe was murdered, FBI transcripts record Mafia Mogul Meyer Lansky discussing the obviously fabricated claim that Robert Kennedy was having an affair with Marilyn Monroe. Indeed, FBI microphones [that the shrewd Lansky was obviously tipped off about] recorded Meyer Lansky and his wife, and the following "incriminating" FBI document, dated August 11, 1962, was produced in a deliberate, futile attempt to embarrass the Kennedys.
The real Jim Garrison
These are Jay Epstein's observations and he is one of the best:
On the evening of June 19, 1967, NBC devoted an hour to a critical examination of Garrison's investigation, entitled "The JFK Conspiracy: The case of Jim Garrison." The first part of the program dealt with Russo's allegation that he had seen Oswald, Shaw and Ferrie plotting the assassiantion at a party in Ferrie's apartment in September 1963. The NBC reporters demonstrated that at least one other person present at the party had not seen Shaw or Oswald there, and that Ferrie's bearded roomate, who Russo claimed was Oswald, had been identified by other people at the party as James Lewallen. The program then concentrated on Garrison's investigative methods, and a parade of witnesses was presented to allege that Garrison representatives had attempted to bribe or intimidate them. In addition, NBC revealed that both of Garrison's key witnesses, Russo and Vernon Bundy, had failed lie-detector tests before testifying at the preliminary hearing... During the time I studied Garrison's investigation and had access to his office, the only evidence I saw or heard about that could connect Clay Shaw with the assassiantion was fraudulent -some devised by Garrison himself and some cynically culled from criminals or the emotionally unstable.Jay Epstein brilliantly exposed the fact that Garrison's staged ineptitude was absolutely consistent.
On January 21, 1969, after nearly two years of concocting and playing out his charges in the national media, Jim Garrison finally tried the accused, Clay Shaw, in a court of law in New Orleans. The delay is inexplicable given the fact that on February 24, 1967, Jim Garrison claimed that he had "positively solved the assassination of President John F. Kennedy" and one week later, arrested Clay Shaw for conspiring to kill the president.Jim Garrison was obviously not the heroic character that Oliver Stone made him out to be. Indeed, he was merely one of many villains who deliberately covered up the truth about the Kennedy assassination. If we are not attuned to the historical record, we can fall prey to the silly claim that Jim Garrison had struggled to exose the truth about the assassination of John F. Kennedy. In fact, the exact opposite is true.
If Garrison had a case, his actions would be excusable and understandable, but the fact is, the conspiracy that Garrison laid out in court took place at a single meeting in late September 1963 in the apartment of David Ferrie in which three conspirators, Clay Shaw, David Ferrie, and Lee Harvey Oswald, allegedly plotted the "cross fire" and triangulation of fire" in Dallas, and the disconnect between his sensational allegations and the substance behind them was clearly what Jay Epstein appropriately called "staged ineptitude".
Sensational allegations are designed to dominate publicity, not to solve a murder mystery, and Jim Garrison's actions speak for themselves. Clearly, he did nothing more than advance the opportunity to cover up the truth about the assassination of John F. Kennedy and Jim Garrison was too intelligent to suggest that he did not deliberately intend to bury the truth about the Kennedy assassination by dominating the circus he produced.
The last known person to speak to Ferrie was George Lardner, Jr., of the Washington Post, whom Ferrie had met with from midnight to 4:00 a.m. on February 22, 1967. During this interview, Ferrie described Garrison as "a joke". Several hours later, Ferrie died of a cerebral hemorrhage. [But he was probably murdered because "the joke" needed a corpse like Lee Harvey Oswald, to get away with promoting bizarre allegations that were supposed to provide the opportunity to cover up rather than to expose the truth.]
The media got it right and according to the New Orleans States-Item, once a key supporter of Jim Garrison, "This travesty of justice is a reproach to the conscience of all good men...Garrison stands revealed for what he is: a man without principle who would pervert the legal process to his own ends." Assassination buffs began to accuse Garrison of staging the Shaw affair as a red herring to divert attention away from more salient leads in New Orleans, and they were absolutely correct.
When anybody exposes the real Jim Garrison, imposter assassination buffs continue to promote the hollywood version of Jim Garrison, but there is no real evidence to substantiate this delusion. In particular, Garrison was caught lying during a Playboy interview on October 1967, wherein he exposed the following:
GARRISON: Until as recently as November of 1966, I had complete faith in the Warren Report. As a matter of fact, I viewed its most vocal critics with the same skepticism that much of the press now views me --- which is why I can't condemn the mass media too harshly for their cynical approach, except in the handful of cases where newsmen seem to be in active collusion with Washington to torpedo our investigation. Of course, my faith in the Report was grounded in ignorance, since I had never read it; as Mark Lane says, "The only way you can believe the Report is not to have read it."
But then, in November, I visited New York City with Senator Russell Long; and when the subject of the assassination came up, he expressed grave doubts about the Warren Commission's conclusion that Lee Harvey Oswald was the lone assassin...
PLAYBOY: So you began your investigation of the President's assassination on nothing stronger than you own doubts and the theories of the Commission's critics?
GARRISON: No, please don't put words in my mouth. The works of the critics --- particularly Edward Epstein, Harold Weisberg and Mark Lane --- sparked my general doubts about the assassination; but more importantly, they led me into specific areas of inquiry.
PLAYBOY: Why did you become interested in Ferrie and his associates in November 1963?
GARRISON: To explain that, I'll have to tell you something about the operation of our office. I believe we have one of the best district attorney's offices in the country. We have no political appointments and, as a result, there's a tremendous amount of esprit among our staff and an enthusiasm for looking into unanswered questions. That's why we got together the day after the assassination and began examining our files and checking out every political extremist, religious fanatic and kook who had ever come to our attention. And one of the names that sprang into prominence was that of David Ferrie. When we checked him out, as we were doing with innumerable other suspicious characters, we discovered that on November 22nd he had traveled to Texas to go "duck hunting" and "ice skating."
Well, naturally, this sparked our interest. We staked out his house and we questioned his friends, and when he came back --- the first thing he did on his return, incidentally, was to contact a lawyer and then hide out for the night at a friend's room in another town --- we pulled him and his two companions in for questioning. The story of Ferrie's activities that emerged was rather curious. He drove nine hours through a furious thunderstorm to Texas, then apparently gave up his plans to go duck hunting and instead went to an ice-skating rink in Houston and stood waiting beside a pay telephone for two hours; he never put the skates on. We felt his movements were suspicious enough to justify his arrest and that of his friends, and we took them into custody. When we alerted the FBI, they expressed interest and asked us to turn the three men over to them for questioning. We did, but Ferrie was released soon afterward and most of its report on him was classified top secret and secreted in the National Archives, where it will remain inaccessible to the public until September 2038 A.D. No one, including me, can see those pages.
Jim Garrison creatively danced around the truth that is not supposed to be exposed, but the fact is, Garrison was in on the cover up with J. Edgar Hoover from day ONE! How could Jim Garrison possibly have faith in the Warren commission until 1966, when he knew that Hoover deliberately made the truth inaccessible? As a matter of fact, as early as November 1963, Dorothy Kilgallen had managed to expose everything about the assassination of John F. Kennedy that Jim Garrison relentlessly covered up.
MORE EVIDENCE THAT JIM GARRISON WAS DELIBERATELY COVERING UP, RATHER THAN EXPOSING THE TRUTH.
SELECT COMMITTEE ON ASSASSINATIONS
NAME: Jim Garrison Date: 11/8/78 Time: 11:00 am
Address: Federal Court House Place: New Orleans, La.
Gary Cornwell, Bob Buras, and myself (Mike Ewing) interviewed Garrison for approximately 45 minutes in his office at the Federal Courthouse in New Orleans.
Garrison began the conversation with a lengthy recounting of his efforts during 1967-69 to re-investigate the Kennedy assassination and prosecute Clay Shaw. Garrison spoke in general terms about the power of the CIA and FBI and their ability to "control and evade" the investigative resources of any other body, including a District Attorney's office or a Congressional committee. Garrison stated that he assumes that the Select Committee has learned of this unchallengeable power and has met with the same frustration that he did.
Garrison spoke in somber tones about his investigation, saying that he had done his best under very difficult circumstances, and had of course made a few mistakes in the process.
During the course of Garrison's long monologue about the power of the federal government, particularly the CIA, it was most difficult to ask him specific questions; Garrison would continue to talk without responding to a question on most occasions when they were asked.
In response to the question of exactly when and why he first began re-investigating the Kennedy assassination in 1966, Garrison gave a very vague answer, stating that he simply became interested in some manner with David Ferrie and Dean Andrews' 1964 story about a mysterious "Clem Bertrand." Garrison would not elaborate.
In response to the question of how he came to obtain David Ferrie's phone records of January to October of 1963, Garrison stated that he asked for and received them from Marcello's attorney G. Wray Gill. He indicated that he had long known Gill. He stated that Gill drew a line through his own calls listed on the bills, and thus Ferrie's calls were the other ones listed on the bill; as they had not shared an office. When asked if he had ever asked Gill why he had not turned over Ferrie's calls from November 1963 (which were not included) Garrison at first stated "I don't know." When the question was repeated, with the comment that he must have viewed the absence of the November 1963 calls disturbing, Garrison stated that he thinks that he did ask Gill about the missing November billing, and that Gill stated that they were missing. When asked if he followed it up, perhaps by asking Gill to make a further search for the records, Garrison said he couldn't recall.
It's called deliberate amnesia, whose purpose was, to cover this up.
According to Kennedy assassination researcher, John Simkin;"If you do any research of major figures in the JFK assassination via web search engines you will soon find yourself on John McAdams’ website. He is clearly the main disinformation source on the net. He adopts an academic tone and if one was not aware of the facts of the person or event he is writing about, one would think he has logically looked at the evidence available. He is therefore doing a successful job in misleading students about the JFK assassination. In fact, it could be argued that his impact has been as great as other disinformation agents such as David Atlee Phillips, G. Robert Blakey, Dick Billings, Jack Anderson, Gary Mack and Gerald Posner."Indeed, John McAdams is a propagandist who simply exploits the well known capacity to deceive. Descartes illustrated the process when he said; "My second maxim was to be as firm and resolute in my actions as I was able, and not to adhere less steadfastly to the most doubtful opinions, when once adopted, than if they had been highly certain; imitating in this the example of travelers who, when they have lost their way in a forest, ought not to wander from side to side, far less remain in one place, but proceed constantly towards the same side in as straight a line as possible, without changing their direction for slight reasons, although perhaps it might be chance alone which at first determined the selection; for in this way, if they do not exactly reach the point they desire, they will come at least in the end to some place that will probably be preferable to the middle of a forest."The only way to get out of the forest is to use your own head and to study the documents. It would also be nice to prosecute crackpots like John McAdams for deliberately covering up the truth about the assassination of John F. Kennedy, unless of course, they manage to cop an insanity plea.When all is said and done, Jim Garrison is an open book because he was always loyal to his former boss,
The Men Who Killed Lennon
Jose Joaquin Sanjenis Perdomo, this is the spy and professional assassin who killed John Lennon. Perdomo was tasked to provide security for Lennon at the rock star's upscale apartment complex, the Dakota, the night of the murder. He was an anti-Castro Cuban exile and member of Brigade 2506 during the Bay of Pigs Invasion in 1961, a failed CIA operation to overthrow Fidel Castro.Joaquin Sanjenis had worked closely with convicted Watergate burglar Frank Sturgis for about ten years on the CIA's payroll, and in retrospect, it is safe to conclude that Nixon was behind Lennon's murder.
Sturgis falsely claimed that Perdomo had died in 1974, and since Nixon was essentially starting over in 1980, (as Ronald Reagan's secret adviser) Sturgis and Nixon obviously handpicked the right man for what they considered to be, "the right job".
This story gets even more bizarre, given the story of BinLaden's recent death, despite reports that he actually died in 2001. It now appears that in the world of intelligence operatives, there are peole who are officially dead who are in fact alive, and people who are officially alive who are in fact dead.
The evidence that implicates Dakota doorman, Jose Joaquin Sanjenis Perdomo, as Lennon's killer, is far more extensive than claiming to dump a body at sea. Records reveal a "Jose Joaquin Sanjenis Perdomo" (aliases: "Joaquin Sanjenis" and "Sam Jenis") was an anti-Castro Cuban exile and member of Brigade 2506 during the Bay of Pigs Invasion in 1961, a failed CIA operation to overthrow Fidel Castro. Perdomo was a professional hit man who worked closely with convicted Watergate burglar Frank Sturgis (deceased) for about ten years on the CIA's payroll.
• Jose Perdomo was the doorman at the Dakota on Dec. 8, 1980, the night Lennon was killed.
• Jose Perdomo was at the crime scene when the murder occurred.
• Jose Perdomo asked accused assassin Mark David Chapman, immediately after the shooting, if he knew what he had just done. Chapman replied that he had just shot John Lennon.
• Jose Perdomo told police Chapman was Lennon's assailant. One of the arresting officers, Peter Cullen, did not believe Chapman shot Lennon. Cullen believed the shooter was a handyman at the Dakota, but Perdomo convinced Cullen it was Chapman. Cullen thought Chapman "looked like a guy who worked in a bank."
• Jose Perdomo was an anti-Castro Cuban exile. Perdomo and Chapman discussed the Bay of Pigs Invasion and JFK's assassination a few hours before Lennon was killed. This suggests Perdomo was a member of Brigade 2506 during the Bay of Pigs Invasion in 1961, a failed CIA operation to overthrow Fidel Castro.
• Cuban Information Archives reveal a "Jose Joaquin Sanjenis Perdomo" (aliases: Joaquin Sanjenis, Sam Jenis) was a member of Brigade 2506 during the Bay of Pigs Invasion in 1961.
• Joaquin Sanjenis worked closely with convicted Watergate burglar Frank Sturgis (deceased) for about ten years on the CIA's payroll.
• Frank Sturgis claimed Joaquin Sanjenis died of natural causes in 1974; however, this was never confirmed. This assertion was made in 1981 by Warren Hinckle and William Turner in a book entitled, The Fish is Red: The Story of the Secret War Against Castro. Here is an excerpt:
On a June morning in 1972, the week after the Watergate break-in, Joaquin Sanjenis left his modest import-export office in Miami's Cuban barrio and drove down SW Eighth Street to the Anthony Abrams Chevrolet Agency. Jose Joaquin Sanjenis Perdomo was a plain man of undifferentiated features, which was in his profession, an asset: He was a professional spy. His personality suited his work in that neither encouraged close personal relationships. His was a lonely life, sweetened by habitual cups of Cuban coffee; he looked forward to his forthcoming retirement, although he would not live long enough to enjoy it. It is testimony to the importance his employers gave to his carefully nurtured anonymity that when he died, of natural causes, in 1974, his family was not notified until after the funeral. Joaquin Sanjenis was, for over ten years, the head of the CIA's supersecret Operation 40 in Miami.
The wear of a decade of living in the shadows showed on the spy's face that morning as he drove into the automobile agency's service entrance. Sanjenis had launched scores of ships and planes on clandestine raids against Cuba and had sent hundreds of men on missions from which there had been no return. He was able to offer only the most mute of patriotic explanations to the bereaved families. There were no official missing-in-action reports in the Secret War against Cuba. It was Joaquin Sanjenis's job to keep his troops, as himself, faceless.
(Warren Hinckle & William Turner, The Fish is Red: The Story of the Secret War Against Castro, 1981, Martin & Row Publishers, ISBN 0-06-038003-9, pp. 307-308)
Whether Jose Joaquin Sanjenis Perdomo actually died in 1974, as Hinckle and Turner wrote, is a point worth challenging. What evidence did they present to support this claim? On page 354 of their book, under "Notes and Sources," they gave the following source for their claim that Sanjenis died in 1974: "Authors' interview with Frank Sturgis." How much faith should we place in Frank Sturgis' word, particularly on this critical point? Set aside that Sturgis is a convicted felon (Watergate burglary), as an employee of the CIA, Sturgis had plenty of reason to lie, particularly if Jose Joaquin Sanjenis Perdomo is/was the same person who worked as a doorman at the Dakota on the night John Lennon was murdered on December 8, 1980. Hinckle's and Turner's book, The Fish is Red, was published in 1981, in the year after Lennon's murder. Consequently, it makes sense that Sturgis would want to muddy the water a bit. In addition, Hinckle and Turner revealed the importance the CIA placed on Sanjenis's anonymity when they described his alleged death. They wrote: "It is testimony to the importance his employers [the CIA] gave to his carefully nurtured anonymity that when he died, of natural causes, in 1974, his family was not notified until after the funeral." Did Sanjenis really die of natural causes in 1974? There is plenty of reason to believe this claim was disinformation generated by Sturgis at the behest of the CIA. The CIA had every reason to lie in order to continue nurturing Sanjenis's anonymity, particularly after the murder of John Lennon.
According to Cuban Information Archives, Perdomo was also known as "Joaquin Sanjenis," and "Sam Jenis." He was mostly known as an anti-Castro Cuban exile and a member of Brigade 2506 during the Bay of Pigs Invasion in 1961, a miserably failed CIA operation, which cost Company Head Allan Dulles his job, and maybe John F. Kennedy his life, also by a mythic lone gunman, who turned out to play patsy, too. In fact, during that evening, while Chapman waited hours for Lennon's return, Perdomo had spoken at length with him about the invasion and Cuban American politics. Strange topics for strangers, one waiting for a rock star. Imagine Perdomo had reason to insist Mark was the man. Perdomo, aka Sanjenis, had worked side by side, ah yes, with convicted and now deceased Watergate burglar Frank Sturgis for about a decade on the CIA payroll. Sturgis misleadingly claimed Joaquin Sanjenis died of natural causes in 1974. He claimed it was the Company's way of keeping Sanjenis' anonymity. Perdomo may still be alive, plumbing in some near or far outpost. There's always work for anonymous men who know how to do what needs to be done and vanish. Ole!
Imagine Perdomo was so invisible that he wasn't identified by name for more than six years after Lennon's murder. He was mistakenly referred to first as Jay Hastings, the bearded, burly desk clerk who worked in the lobby, and was on duty the night Lennon was killed. In fact, Lennon ran from the shooter, and collapsed before Hastings and Yoko. This information is mentioned in the book, The Love You Make: An Insider's Story of the Beatles, written by one of the group's management team, Peter Brown -- along with Steven Gains.
"Sanjenis was an opportunistic little man who managed to punch a CIA meal ticket the rest of his life. Along with Frank Sturgis, he was a member of Operation 40 -- the secret police of the Cuban invasion force. The ultrasecret Operation 40 included some nonpolitical, conservative exile businessmen, but its hard core was made up of informers, assassins-for-hire, and mob henchmen whose sworn goal was to make the counterrevolution safe for the comfortable ways of the old Cuba. They were the elite troops of the old guard within the exile movement, who made effective alliance with CIA right-wingers.
Imagine the theory we've been told: that Lennon had walked past Chapman, who was to the right and then rear of him in the dark entryway. If Chapman had called out, "Mr. Lennon," and John stopped and turned, it was possible though difficult for him to hit Lennon in the left shoulder, and then as Lennon turned to flee, to hit him in the upper left back. Yet Chapman told Judge Dennis Edwards at a sentencing hearing that he didn't say anything to Lennon, just that he fired.
Imagine a second theory: Perdomo or another operative fired from the doorway leading to the service elevator, which was at the left of the walkway and in front of Lennon. There are two series of two shots. First, two shots hit the left shoulder. As Lennon runs towards the lobby stairway, two other shots hit his upper left back. Shooting from that doorway seems a more plausible way to make those hits. Since the autopsy was not made public, we don't know if three of the five shots exited, grazed or missed Lennon to hit the glass lobby door.
Imagine crime scene witnesses varied in their accounts of whether or not Chapman called to Lennon. No convincing evidence was presented that Chapman had caused Lennon to turn. Also, this wasn't a trial since Chapman had already confessed. It was simply a sentencing hearing. There was no official testimony or any witnesses. The case was declared closed on the night of the murder, and the police report is lacking in any substantive detail. Yet what it does say is that Chapman was carrying $2,201.76 in cash when arrested and declared himself unemployed? You wonder why eyes didn't open at that, and a complete inquiry wasn't made into the death of a figure like John Lennon. Could it possibly be a cover-up? Had assassinations liked this ever happened before?
Imagine and it is impossible to dispute the conclusion that Mark Chapman was absolutely nothing beyond just another classic patsy on autopilot.
The self-serving lies about Bin Laden are necessary in the eyes of the perpetrators because they have dug themselves deep. Why? Because on December 5, 2009, Gordon Duff, Marine Vietnam veteran, and Senior Editor at Veterans Today, wrote the following;We know this: Bin Laden always denied any ties to 9/11 and, in fact, has never been charged in relation to 9/11. He not only denied involvement, but had done so, while alive, 4 times and had vigorously condemned those who were involved in the attack. This is on the public record, public in every free country except ours. We, instead, showed films made by paid actors, made up to look somewhat similar to bin Laden, actors who contradicted bin Ladens very public statements, actors pretending to be bin Laden long after bin Laden’s death.Needless to say, all the toes that Duff stepped on have responded and anybody who is informed is deeply disappointed by the failure to engage a reasonable conversation.
For years, we attacked the government of Pakistan for not hunting down someone everyone knew was dead. Bin Laden’s death hit the newspapers in Pakistan on December 15, 2001. How do you think our ally felt when they were continually berated for failing to hunt down and turn over someone who didn’t exist?
What do you think this did for American credibility in Pakistan and thru the Islamic world? Were we seen as criminals, liars or simply fools? Which one is best?
This is also treason.
How does the death of bin Laden and the defeat and dismemberment of Al Qaeda impact the intelligence assessments, partially based on, not only bin Laden but Al Qaeda activity in Iraq that,not only never happened but was now known to have been unable to happen?
How many “Pentagon Pundits,” the retired officers who sold their honor to send us to war for what is now known to be domestic political dirty tricks and not national security are culpable in these crimes?
To me lying and sending men to their deaths based on lies is treason.
Falsifying military intelligence and spending billions on unnecessary military operations for political reasons is an abomination. Consider this, giving billions in contracts to GOP friends who fill campaign coffers, and doing so based on falsified intelligence is insane.
We spent 8 years chasing a dead man, spending billions, sending FBI agents, the CIA, Navy Seals, Marine Force Recon, Special Forces, many to their deaths, as part of a political campaign to justify running American into debt, enriching a pack of political cronies and war profiteers and to puff up a pack of Pentagon peacocks and their White house draft dodging bosses.
How many laws were pushed thru because of a dead man?
How many hundreds were tortured to find a dead man?
How many hundreds died looking for a dead man?
How many billions were spent looking for a dead man?
Every time Bush, Cheney and Rumsfeld stood before troops and talked about hunting down the dead bin Laden, it was a dishonor. Lying to men and women who put their lives on the line is not a joke.
Who is going to answer to the families of those who died for the politics and profit tied to the Hunt for Bin Laden?
Preserving The Legacy1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
From Hiss to WhitewaterThe Cold War was actually very Hot -it claimed real lives and it evoked the common prejudices, hates and fears that all wars evoke. Secretively waged, the atrocities that it produced were also very real.
Like trench warfare, the surefire consequence of deeply entrenched prejudices is death and destruction. Deliberately cultivated prejudice, sprung from the view that diplomacy is a futile avenue for peace, produced a rigid, self-defining, Cold war agenda which made targets of the very best [the objective and the independent-minded] and often propelled the careers of the very worst [the ideologically inclined demagogue] .
World War I was followed by the Treaty of Versailles, the imposed peace treaty that allegedly sowed the seed that produced a tyrant like Hitler, and the smouldering ashes of the second World War were still hot when the spectre of the Cold War emerged.
Dominated by hysteria over the Soviet-American rivalry, the Cold War produced an intense degree of emotion, conflict, controversy, fear, paranoia and hatred that divided Americans into two opposing camps -one leaned towards the effort to achieve peace through international cooperation, the other towards the demand to achieve peace through military confrontation.
The Soviet impulse to spread Communism exasperated anti-Communist hysteria and facilitated the opportunity to exploit fear and paranoia through the deliberate exaggeration about the "other side's" capacity to spread Communism. Preaching the need to be more violent, more ruthless and more secretive than the Communists themselves, Cold War zealots routinely violated individual human rights and the Constitution, in an anti-Communist crusade which claimed the lives of some of the very best and very brightest.
The casualties of the effort to outwit the "evil empire" by deploying totalitarian tactics are people like John F. Kennedy, Robert F. Kennedy, Martin Luther King Jr. and John Lennon.
Having created an atmosphere which ultimately hinged upon peculiar delusions rather than upon democratic ideals, Cold War zealots declared war on Communists abroad and on people erroneously deemed to be subversive, at home.
The undeclared civil war captured widespread attention in the 1950's, when Republican Senator Joseph McCarthy claimed that 205 members of the State Department were members of the American Communist party.
McCarthy's unproven charges were either a delusion or a publicity hoax which sought to generate support for his crusade against Communism.
McCarthyites branded, targeted, and destroyed people not because of anything they had done, but for what they believed in, and as long as they successfully manufactured fear and hysteria, they were in a position to exploit it. McCarthy was ultimately discredited, but people who had supported him and who shared his views soldiered on and tyrants like Richard Nixon and J. Edgar Hoover kept the McCarthyite spirit alive.
It was in fact Richard Nixon who had actually ushered in the McCarthy era when he targeted and destroyed the promising career of Alger Hiss. A highly respected State Department official since 1936, Hiss was branded a Communist because he did not manifest the brand of ignorance and paranoia that McCarthy had tried to popularize.
In 1945, Alger Hiss was the Secretary-General of the United Nations Conference on International Organization, and like most Americans, he embraced the belief that the United Nations was the best hope for world peace. When the San Fransisco conference worked out the United Nations Charter, Hiss articulated the general intention when he said, "we had high hopes that disputes could be settled in advance so that the Assembly would be what Americans called the town meeting of the world. The United Nations promised peace. But in a more nationalistic sense, it appealed because it was here in the United States".
In retrospect, the San Fransisco conference controversy foreshadowed the Cold War at home, because instead of fulfilling the promise of the United Nations charter, leaders like Hiss were targeted and destroyed by zealots like Richard Nixon. If the antagonism between the United States and the Soviet Union made it difficult to encourage peace through the United Nations, the antagonism between Cold War zealots and advocates who tried to promote peace through the United Nations, made it impossible because the undeclared civil war at home, derailed a meaningful, peace progress.
In 1947, Hiss became an even bigger target when he took office as president of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. It is not at all surprising that Cold war zealots branded him an agent of communism because that's what they did to anybody who did not share their delusions.
On August 3, 1948, Whittaker Chambers, a writer and editor for Time magazine, appeared before the House Committee on Un-American Activities (HUAC), to publicly claim that Hiss belonged to a group of government employees who were part of an underground Communist party group. A self-professed cloak-and-dagger expert who claimed to have been an espionage agent for the Soviet Union during the 1930's, Chambers was a bizarre character (like Anne Coulter) who achieved celebrity status by stroking the prejudices of ideologues like Richard Nixon and J. Edgar Hoover.
Indeed, when Hoover and Nixon were upset over the fact that the House Committee on Un-American Activities did not have and did not merit any credibility, Chambers rescued the imminent dissolution of the otherwise discredited committee, by targeting Alger Hiss.
Anti-Communist crusaders claimed that internal Communisim was a serious threat to the national security of the United States and that they required a reputable un-American Activities committee, to purge the imagined threat that domestic Communism posed.
President Truman dismissd the evident paranoia of domestic spy chasers and acknowledged the inherent stupidity of un-American hearings that simply diverted attention away from domestic issues. Nixon and Hoover set out to prove that Truman's views were contemptuous, and they set out to "prove" him wrong through the anti-Hiss crusade.
The product of the fierce and relentless campaign to brand Hiss a Communist produced a failed prosecution, and Nixon therefore called for a probe to examine Judge Samuel H. Kaufman's fitness for the bench. Needless to say, it is Richard Nixon who failed every test of fitness, and in retrospect, it is quite astounding that he managed to destroy Hiss through the trumped-up charge that branded him a spy.
The suspiciously vague allegations were factually bankrupt. They did not prove that Hiss was a Communist but simply attacked his credibility by calling him a liar. Hiss had allegedly lied about having taken classified State Department papers and given them to Chambers and his recollection about an alleged meeting with Chambers was also challenged. The first perjury charge ended in a hung jury, the second trial registered a conviction and the reputation of the grotesque un-American Activities committee was restored -a remarkable fraud where Alger Hiss was sentenced to five years in prison because the hysterics of Richard Nixon and J. Edgar Hoover managed to pervert justice.
At the outset, a young, cocky Hiss [since he was innocent and could not have possibly imagined what lay in store for him] casually dismissed the charges that branded him a spy and made his accusers look as ignorant as they in fact were. His accusers did not merit a shred of credibility, but if you keep manufacturing evidence without being held accountable, the outcome is quite predictable.
Initially, Whittaker Chambers, Hiss's public accuser, did not produce documents to back up his allegations, but when it became clear that the campaign to destroy Hiss demanded "proof", it is not surprising that it was fraudulently produced.
It did not take any more effort than to pass on State Department documents to a bizarre character like Chambers, who falsely claimed that he had received them from Hiss himself.
According to popular mythology, the statute of limitations to prosecute Hiss for espionage had expired and that is why he was charged with perjury. According to anybody who understands J. Edgar Hoover, Hiss was targeted because he did share the prejudicial opinions of his political adversaries, and the claim that J. Edgar Hoover combated Communist spies through perjury charges is extremely amusing.
Richard Nixon gloated over the persecution of Alger Hiss through the following, predictable rant;
we must give complete and unqualified support to the FBI and to J. Edgar Hoover, its chief. Mr. Hoover recognized the Communist threat long before other top officials recognized its existence. The FBI in this trial did an amazingly effective job running down trails over 10 years old and in developing the evidence which made the prosecution successful.1In fact, Richard Nixon was publicly applauding the fact that J. Edgar Hoover routinely perverted the law. Czar Hoover was clearly nothing beyond a single-minded fanatic who routinely "developed evidence" which recognized his peculiar delusions, he did not convict criminals. The astounding paranoia that motivated the overzealous prosecution of Alger Hiss was exposed when Hoover appeared before HUAC and said:
... once public opinion is thoroughly aroused as it is today, the fight against Communism is well on its way. Victory will be assured once Communists are identified and exposed, because the public will take the first step in quarantining them so they can do no harm. Communism, in reality is not a political party. It is a way of life -an evil and malignant way of life. It reveals a condition akin to disease that spreads like an epidemic and like an epidemic a quarantine is necessary to keep it from infecting the Nation.2In 1988, Alger Hiss wrote a credible book which promotes the claim that he was framed by his accusers and History absolutely supports the fact that he was simply a victim of an illegitimate, anti-Communist witch-hunt. In fact, the paranoia and the lies that targeted people like Alger Hiss are not exclusive. Thousands upon thousands of Americans who were erroneously branded "security risks" were in fact victims of deliberately manufactured anti-Communist hysteria and they were clearly not dangerous, threatening, subversive spies, as branded and targeted by J.Edgar Hoover and Richard Nixon.
Nixon routinely exploited the Red Scare and in 1952, he emphasized the fact that Hiss had been successfully prosecuted, to encourage anti-Communist hysteria and to ridicule political adversaries like Adlai Stevenson.
Like Hiss, Stevenson did not share the paranoia that motivated Nixon and his cronies and instead of embracing the anti-Communist crusade, he declared war against poverty, injustice and inequality.
Richard Nixon used the Hiss case to justify anti-Communist paranoia and to attack Stevenson for not sharing his concerns. Campaigning in Augusta, Maine on September 6, 1952, Nixon said:
I think that many good Americans are concerned by the way in which President Truman and Governor Stevenson have both attempted to ridicule and pooh pooh the Communist threat within the United States. Well all will recall that President Truman referred to the Alger Hiss case as a red herring. And now Governor Stevenson comes along and refers to the Communists of the United States as phantoms amongst ourselves. Now I have in my hands here some of the papers that came out of that famous pumpkin that Whittaker Chambers had on his farm. Hundreds of pages of secret State Department documents. They were turned over by Alger Hiss to Chambers, and then they were turned over to the Russians.Now that the Cold War is over and Communist propaganda no longer prevails, the Russians confirmed the fact that Hiss was not a spy and that he never turned over any State Department papers to them. Regardless, during the 1956 campaign, Nixon waved his so-called evidence and used it like a club to beat up on the Democrats. In one particularly grotesque photo-opportunity, Sherlock Nixon, with magnifying glass in hand, shook his head in disgust as he examined a microfilm that Hiss had allegedly turned over to the Russians.
Nixon's anti-Communist crusade dominated publicity and Stevenson's reasoned appeal that "what counts is not just what we are against but what we are for" was drowned out by the bellow to declare war against communism.
How did Nixon's vulgar, McCarthyite rhetoric survived effective opposition. In the campaign of 1956, Richard Nixon said:
Just let me say this last word. Regardless of what happens, I'm going to continue this fight. I'm gonna campaign up and down in America until we drive all the crooks and the Communists and those who defend them out of Washington.Indeed, Richard Nixon spend all his time and effort developing plots to "drive all crooks and the Communists and those who defend them out of Washington". The only glitch of course is that it was Richard Nixon who was the crook and the tyrant who deployed totalitarian security methods to target his enemies. Tragically, Richard Nixon was what he publicly opposed, and his enemies proved to be as relentless as he was. On October 29, 1992, the frail eighty-seven year old Hiss, armed with further evidence that he was simply a target of overzealous McCarthyite's, claimed that the historical record would ultimately absolve him, and it has.
The Americans who were targeted and destroyed by the un-American Activities witch hunts were victims, not criminals, and it is their accusers, not they, who have everything to be embarrassed about. Hiss was convicted for perjury on the strength of the allegation that he lied to the Grand Jury about having given State Department documents to Whittaker Chambers and that he denied having met with Chambers after January 1, 1937. But with cohorts like Nixon and Hoover, the anti-Hiss truth squad was a group of felons, liars and fraud artists who routinely perverted justice and Richard Nixon himself betrays the fact that the entire campaign against Hiss was mounted upon the Nixonian spirit to evade the law, when he said
Because of Truman's executive order we were not able to get any direct help [in the campaign to "prosecute" Hiss] from J. Edgar Hoover or the FBI. However, we had some informal contacts with a lower-level agent that proved helpful in our investigations.3TRANSLATION: The campaign to prosecute Hiss was a product, not of an accountable, authorized legal network, but of the secretive, informal network that Hoover and Nixon used to fraudulently destroy their enemies. Working through the apparatus that David Wise called the invisible government, compulsive spies like Howard Hunt defined their existence by the zeal to destroy Communism and routinely engaged illegal, clandestine, political operations, of the sort that destroyed Alger Hiss' political career. What makes covert, illegal operatives like Hunt especially significant in terms of the Hiss case is that they had access to the sort of documents which were used to fraudulently prosecute him. Even as late as 1971, Hunt forged top-secret State Department telegrams, for the purpose of distorting the historical record. Hunt was a predictable extremist who joined the CIA in 1947 or 1948, and his only legacy is the slew of undetected illegalities he managed to get away with, between the occasional blunders that exposed his criminal operations.
In recent years, much has been written about a so-called unbroken chain of events which stretch from the Kennedy assassination in Dallas, to the Watergate scandal that cost Nixon the presidency. It is indeed a link with a solid foundation. Like most zealots, Nixon and his cronies were very disturbed by the Kennedy presidency and they shared the commitment to do whatever they could, to satisfy their paranoia-motivated vision of the country. The initial bone of contention was policy over Cuba, until Kennedy started "messing around" in Southeast Asia. As Nixon records in his memoirs:
I was disturbed by some of Kennedy's early foreign policy actions. During his first week in office, he was confronted with a crisis involving Communist aggression in Laos. After an initial show of strength in one of his first press conferences, he pulled back and ended up accepting a supposedly neutral government that everyone knew would be heavily influenced by the Communists. I decided that it was time for the administration's honeymoon to end, and I agreed to give a speech before the Executives Club of Chicago on May 5, 196l.4In retrospect, the telling fact that Richard Nixon began his campaign to oppose the "dangerous" foreign policy course that Kennedy charted is like one of the many smoking guns which links him directly to the to the plot to assassinate President John F. Kennedy.
Indeed, Nixon was an extremely relentless, unethical adversary who routinely targeted and destroyed any political opponent who failed to share his prejudicial opinions, and JFK was one of many casualties.
When Kennedy was murdered, Richard Nixon and cronies like Watergate burglar Howard Hunt, did not share in the grief of the nation, they shared the need to produce an alibi to prove that they were in no way responsible for the assassination of John F. Kennedy.
On the day of the assassination, Richard Nixon was in Dallas surveying the assassination site, and according to his recollection immediately after the assassination, he was not in Dallas.5 The convenient memory lapse is sustained by the fact that Nixon was only in Dallas Texas until 9:05 a.m., on the 22nd of November 1963, having landed at New York's Idlewild at 1:00 p.m., (currently, Kennedy International Airport).
In 1978, Nixon's memory improved, as his memoirs disclose the following:
Early on the morning of November 22 on the way to the Dallas airport I saw the flags displayed along the motorcade route for the presidential visit.6Nixon further claimed that he called J. Edgar Hoover on the 22nd of November, to ask if one of those "right-wing nuts" was responsible for murdering President Kennedy. According to Nixon, Hoover's reply was "No, it was a Communist."
In other words, in a single day, on November 22nd, 1963, Richard Nixon and J. Edgar Hoover had not only reviewed "the crime scene", they had also identified the "criminal", and that is a remarkable admission of guilt on both their parts.
Hoover and Nixon, who were both in Texas on the 21st of November 1963, and in retrospect, that is not at all surprising, is it? As a matter of fact, in a vain attempt to prove Oswald's violent temperment, Hoover and Nixon had even promoted the ludicrous claim that "Oswald had been planning to kill me [Richard Nixon] when I visited Dallas and that only with great difficulty had she [Marina Oswald] managed to keep him in the house to prevent him from doing so."7
It doesn't get any stranger than that -you need a good psychiatrist to be able to fully explain that delusion of grandeur.
Marina Oswald supported this hoax under the threat of deportation, but the suggestion that an intelligent former Marine like Lee Harvey Oswald contemplated the assassination of diametrically opposed politicians is quite preposterous. To be sure, Hoover and Nixon manufactured the fiction they thought they required to cover up the truth about the assassination of JFK, and as we all know. "it's not the crime, it's the cover up, stupid" that exposes the truth.
Nixon crony Howard Hunt was also obsessed by the determination to counter reports that he too was in Dallas Texas on the 22nd of November 1963. According to Hunt, he was not in his CIA office in Langley Virginia but with friends in Washington D.C., "And since it is a law of physics that you can't be in two places at the same time", Hunt boldly asserts, "I was not in Dallas Texas." Alright, we get the point. But most Americans are not obsessed by the need to develop alibies to "prove" that they did not murder the President of the United States.
Nixon and Hunt were both violent anti-Communist crusaders with a penchant for plotting the assassination of their political enemies. Two of the earliest and most persistent advocates who promoted assassination plots against Castro, Hunt and Nixon were essentially the trusted allies of rogue spies, their rhetoric was not typical, wishful thinking. Quoted in the New York Times on November 22nd after having made a timely evacuation from Dallas, Richard Nixon publicly recognized his anti-Kennedy zeal through the bold assertion. "I am going to work as hard as I can to get the Kennedys out of there. We can't afford four more years of that kind of administration."
The day before he made that comment, (November 21, 1963) Hoover and Nixon were at the home of Clint Murchison in Dallas Texas, the oil tycoon who backed Lyndon Johnson, and that certainly set the political stage for the next 8 years,
Nixon did not run for the Presidency in 1964. He didn't want to oppose Lyndon Johnson, just Kennedy, and that ultimately betrays the bipartisan collusion that made it practically impossible to expose the truth.
Political pundits claim that Richard Nixon didn't run because he didn't think he could win in 1964, and that is certainly the joke of the last century. As a matter of fact, the March 23, 1964, issue of Newsweek betrayed Nixon's overinflated ego where he was quoted extolling his own abilities in the following terms: "I feel there is no man who can make the case generally [against the Johnson Administration] more effectively than I can... I have the national name, I have some experience."
Astute reporters noted the bizarre relationship between Richard Nixon and Lyndon Johnson, and in 1968, it prompted Hugh Sydney of Life Magazine to write: "Would Lyndon Johnson really mind terribly much if there were a Republican victory? It is curious how the thought recurs in these bastions 1,000 miles apart. There have been so many little things to suggest it and no big things to deny it." Hugh Sydney further noted that Nixon's visit to the LBJ ranch was friendly, intimate and intense, while Humphrey's visit was an untrumpeted affair. 8
Party politics should have made them adversaries, but the Kennedy assassination and the Vietnam war had made them allies, and the media was understandably perplexed.
Moreover, Richard Nixon believed that Dean Rusk was "one of the ablest and most honorable men ever to serve as Secretary of State," and he did not have to worry about America's foreign policy going astray in 1964 because Kennedy, who essentially claimed the right to veto Rusk when he disagreed with him, was dead. 9 John Ehrlichman further confirmed the fact that Hoover and Nixon were behind-the -scenes, policy activists when he said;
Hoover and Nixon had kept in touch during all the year Nixon was out of office. Rose Mary Woods had been Hoover's Nixon contact for the exchange of information and advice between them. Whenever Nixon travelled abroad as a private citizen, the FBI agents who posed as "legal attaches" in U.S. embassies were instructed by Hoover to look after Nixon. Hoover fed Nixon information during those years via Cartha De Loach, and through Lou Nichols, a retired Bureau assistant director who had become a distillery executive. But Hoover was more than a source of information -he was a political advisor to whom Nixon listened.10Despite the popular belief that shrewd political acumen kept Nixon out of the White House race in 1964, the evidence clearly indicates that behind-the-scenes scheming between cronies dictated the Nixon decision to "wait it out".
The Kennedy assassination produced a consensus that crossed party lines and was secretively linked by the relentless zeal to control the foreign policy of the United States and the common ground that united anti-Communist zealots was the obsession to do whatever was necessary to facilitate the opportunity to prosecute the Vietnam war. This is why Richard Nixon facilitated the 1964 Democratic landslide victory of "co-patriot", Lyndon Johnson, despite the fact that he thought that he was the Republican who had the ability to efectively oppse Johnson.
And so, like the convoluted plot of a Shakespearean play, the Nixon-assisted Lyndon Johnson landslide foreshadowed the dramatic new beginning in Vietnam -the introduction of the combat divisions that Kennedy had vigorously opposed. Nixon's relentless commitment to the war was long and hard. In 1954, President Eisenhower wrote to Diem to emphasize Washington's determination to keep the Communists out and since then, his overzealous Vice President Richard Nixon was determined to do whatever he perceived to be necessary to defeat the Communists in Southeast Asia.
The profound philosophical conflict between Richard Nixon's declaration of war against Communism and Kennedy's tendency to focus upon the root of a problem was glaringly exposed during the Kennedy/Nixon debate in 1960. Regarding Cuba, for example, Nixon believed that the Eisenhower administration of which he was a part of had followed a proper course and that the American effort to free Cuba would succeed. Kennedy criticized Nixon for having paved the conflict as early as 1955 and for having failed to use the influence of the United States to persuade Batista to hold free elections in 1957 and 1958. Kennedy claimed that American policy in Cuba ignored the needs of the Latin Americans and supported the cause of a corrupt dictator rather than the cause of freedom.
Nixon view of freedom did not match Kennedy's. As far as he was concerned, only those who violently opposed Communism without reservation, were viewed to be on the side of freedom. After the Bay of Pigs fiasco, Kennedy was in a quandary over what to do about Cuba, and he sought everybody's advise including the opinion of Richard Nixon. Nixon didn't hesitate to take the opportunity to encourage a full-scale military invasion of Cuba. In his own words:
I would find a proper legal cover and I would go in. There are several justifications that could be used, like protecting American citizens living in Cuba and defending our base in Guatahamo. I believe that the most important thing to do at this point is to get Castro and communism out of Cuba.11This contrast over contrast between The extreme foreign policy divergence between Nixon and Kennedy is clear and obvious. Kennedy used his intelligence in effort to contain military involvement whereas Richard Nixon entertained "proper legal cover" war plans. Regarding Vietnam, the glaring distortion behind the claim that Johnson and Nixon inherited Kennedy's war, is a product of excessive propaganda and foolish punditry. In actual fact, Nixon, Johnson, Hoover and the like, "engineered" the Vietnam war.
Beyond Washington, the power that Nixon and Hoover cultivated was not strictly official. The home of Clint Murchison for example, where Hoover and Nixon met on November 21, 1963 to plan the aftermath of the Kennedy assassination was in itself a powerhouse of influence. Murchison, a wealthy oil baron in Dallas Texas, owned everything from the Dallas Cowboys to publishing house, Henry Holt and Company, to the racetrack where Hoover placed his $100 bets, to the luxurious Del Charro Motel in California where Hoover vacationed annually free of charge, to oil-gas interests... As a corrupt benefactor of the "business climate" that J. Edgar Hoover encouraged, it is not surprising that Murchison's operations were evidently tailor-made to suit the fancy of Director Hoover.
Murchison was the recipient of huge loans from Teamster's pension funds, and since Hoover shaped the politically correct, dissent-free membership of the Teamsters by blacklisting the so-called un-Americans within, the patriotism that Hoover defined was based on unsavory collusion.
Like Hoover and Nixon, Mafia boss Carlos Marcello was also a Murchison associate (which explains Hoover's refusal to acknowledge the existence of organized crime) and this is the nature of the wealthy allies who provided Nixon and Hoover the kind of power, independence and unaccountability that the Mafia demanded.
It is therefore not surprising to note that the Murchison financial conglomerate was a politically motivated empire which "fronted" clandestine schemes of the sort that Nixon and Hoover thrived upon, and the nature of the meeting at Murchison headquarters in Dallas Texas on the 21st of November 1963, is therefore quite understandable, in retrospect.
The biggest known financial conglomerate which served as a front for clandestine intelligence operations was the empire of Howard Hughes, and like Murchison, all his associates were "pure patriots" -men like Howard Hunt, Gordon Liddy, Richard Nixon, J. Edgar Hoover, James Jesus Angleton...
The private resources of "patriots" like Hughes sheltered them from public accountability, not historical scrutiny. These people were so secretive and so paranoid, the following epigram in a novel by Howard Hunt manifests their total withdrawl from every sense of genuine loyalty:
It is in the political agent's interest to betray all the parties who use him and to work for them all at the same time, so that he may move freely and penetrate everywhere.These elusive spies initially engaged the effort to kill Castro, and when that did not pan out, they justified their failure by blaming it on others, specifically, the President John F. Kennedy, because he did not endorse their fanaticism.
It is therefore not surprising that they eventually turned their attention (and their resources) to assassinate perceived political enemies like John F. Kennedy. The transference of the perceived need to assassinate Castro was very clear and obvious. By the fall of 1963, the Kennedy administration denied Cuban exiles and right wing zealots the opportunity to continue to use the United States as the training ground to mount an anti-Castro paramilitary assault, and Cold War zealots began to transfer their wrath to the so-called Communist at home, the President of the United States.
Howard Hunt appears to have spent a lifetime embracing anti-Kennedy plots. As late as 1971, long after Kennedy's death, he forged Vietnam cables, in effort to distort his legacy, blacken his reputation and ultimately conceal the fact that Kennedy was murdered because he actually opposed the zeal to embrace a futile, military engagement in Southeast Asia.
When Howard Hughes died, Howard Hunt's fellow former CIA counterintelligence chief James Jesus Angleton stepped forward to praise a "co-patriot" in the following words:
Howard Hughes! Where his country's interests were concerned, no one knew his target better. We were fortunate to have him. He was a great patriot.12Angleton, the CIA's first head of counterintelligence held on to his position for twenty-seven years before scandal claimed his career. The so called spook's spook was so secretive that he has attained a legendary reputation within as well as outside of the CIA. When Hoover died, it was Angleton who was reportedly spotted moving boxes and loading them into the trunk of his car before driving away with all the dirty laundry. After the death of former FBI agent Guy Banister, the unofficial head of operations against Castro, Hoover's FBI cleaned out his office. The informal alliance between crusading zealots and the government limited public exposure and J. Edgar Hoover, the Czar of corruption, successfully evaded public accountability. Until 1947, American intelligence was concentrated in the hands of the FBI and the military and that gave Hoover the head start he needed to be in the loop of practically every covert operation. When Harry Truman created the CIA, Hoover wanted to be the head of the newly created spy agency as well as the Director of the FBI and while he was officially denied the official privilege of being America's spymaster, in practise, he actually was.
Hoover tightened his grip upon the intelligence community through covert alliances with spooks like James Jesus Angleton, he did not seek Truman's approval to access CIA resources. And when they required an even deeper cover, they used the Mafia (which was not formally recognized so it didn't even exist as far as law enforcement was concerned) and wealthy patrons like Howard Hughes, to evade accountability, but their operations were not exclusively below the radar of public disclosure.
In 1967, a presidential directive created the joint CIA/FBI operation which involved Angleton's counterintelligence staff and was charged with the responsibility to determine whether the anti-Vietnam war movement was foreign sponsored. By 1971, the CIA was infiltrating protest groups. Like Hoover's FBI, the CIA was used for political purposes and it engaged clandestine schemes that involved wiretaps, mail opening, break-ins and planting bugs. At the behest of Lyndon Johnson, the routine abuse of power that Hoover's FBI practised was transplanted to the CIA by James Jesus Angleton.
Lyndon Johnso was fortunate enough to survive this abuse, but precedent did not spare Richard Nixon. When Special Prosecutor Archibald Cox was assigned the responsibility to investigate the Nixon White House, Nixon repeatedly stonewalled the investigation and ordered the Attorney General of the United States to fire Cox. When Richardson refused, Nixon predictably appealed to his perverted views about the national security interest to say, "I'm sorry that you choose to prefer your purely personal commitments to the national security." Fortunately, Richardson and Cox were motivated more by an interest in law and order and less by the abuses that Johnson and Nixon had routinely deployed.
Undaunted, Nixon ordered the FBI to seal off the office of the special prosecutor. After the Hiss case, Nixon had evidently developed the notion that he could break any law and get away with it as long as he appealed to what he termed national security interests, and that became quite clear and obvious in 1972 when he compared the indefensible Watergate scandals to the Hiss case, because in his mind, it was all the same -a game of creating appearances and destroying political enemies.
Nixon betrayed the ugly fact that Watergate and the Hiss case were ultimately comparable at an impromptu news conference on October 5, 1972 when he said that the FBI Watergate probe made the 1948 investigation of Alger Hiss seem like a "Sunday school exercise."13 The entire truth about Watergate was never exposed and Nixon is quite content that it never will, because, in his own words, "the factual truth [about Watergate] could probably never be completely reconstructed, because each of us had become involved in different ways and no one's knowledge at any given time exactly duplicated anyone else's."14
Nixon believes that the judgment of history depends on who writes it, and he evidently thinks that the truth has been sufficiently buried deep enough to deny the opportunity to expose it. Hehas no concept of the fact that the only purpose of genuine history is to describe an event as it happened, and that by definition, somebody who uses his or her perverted sense of the national security in effort to conceal the truth is a propagandist, not a historian.
It is no surprise that a sufficient number of Nixon apologists, propagandists and/or incompetent historians have been deployed in effort to revive the reputation of the disgraced Richard Nixon, but the deeper one probes, the worst Nixon becomes.
In particular, Nixon allies like Howard Hunt, Gordon Liddy and Frank Sturgis have clearly established a track record of plotting murder in effort to destroy their political enemies, and their well established reputation is solidly documented. In fact, the relationship between Sturgis and Nixon stretches back to the Eisenhower years when they were co-patriots in the struggle to assassinate Castro. The bizarre assassination plots they engaged makes the assassination of John F. Kennedy the "Sunday school picnic" of their covert operations. For example, they had tried to brainwash Castro's mistress, in effort to turn her into a CIA-trained assassin. The had even tried to murder Castro through a poisoned cigar, merely one of an string of the strange plots that Sturgis enthusiastically embraced. What the public has been told about Watergate is absolutely uneventful, compared to a thorough probe of the players involved and the magnitude of their covert operations.
Sturgis had initially supported the revolution and fought side by side with Castro, but anti-Communist hysteria turned the former object of an honorable revolution into a target of execution. It is an interesting history that is easy to confuse, because the details/the nuances are not adequately understood,
In 1963 President Kennedy declared war on the paramilitary operations of anti-Castro extremists and they responded with disdainful comments like: "In Florida, where we were once welcome, we must now operate in the hills of Escambray. We are watched like criminals." By the fall of 1963, former soldiers-of-fortune like Sturgis, who had expected the cooperation of their government, were primed to oppose a new enemy -not Castro, the Communist abroad, but Kennedy, the so-called Communist at home.
The war between John F. Kennedy and anti-Castro exiles made Nixon allies like Frank Sturgis lifetime operatives in the plot to cover up the truth about murder of president Kennedy. In 1977, the New York Times reported that Frank Sturgis was arrested for threatening a woman to prevent her from testifying before the Assassinations Committee. Marita Lorenz told police that three days before the assassination of John F. Kennedy, she accompanied Sturgis and Oswald on a drive from Miami to Dallas.
Under the circumstances, it is easier to believe that Sturgis was a player in the effort to frame Oswald than to doubt his involvement. After all, this is the same person who had tried to brainwash Castro's mistress into becoming a trained assassin for the CIA. Framing Oswald was "a Sunday school picnic" in comparison.
Serious researchers no longer doubt the Kennedy assassination involvement of Watergate burglars Hunt and Sturgis. According to correspondent Ted Szulz, "Hunt was serving in Mexico City at the time of Oswald's supposed visit to the Cuban Embassy. Hunt denies this."15 Szulz had no motive to lie. In 1975, an anonymous sender in Mexico City send U.S. researchers the following letter dated November 8, 1963, proven to be the authentic writing of Lee Harvey Oswald:
Dear Mr. Hunt,I would like information concerning [sic] my position. I am asking only for information. I am asking that we discuss the matter fully before any steps are taken by me or anyone else.Just two weeks prior to the Kennedy assassination, Hunt was evidently seeking to "employ" Lee Harvey Oswald in some sort of operation that was too fuzzy for Oswald to understand, and isn't that because he was "just a patsy"? When Hunt, Sturgis and Liddy bugged the offices of the Democratic National Committee and made their escape without detection, the game was over -no detection, no crime. It is only when the microphones they had planted failed to work that they went back and got caught. Nixon's cronies were saboteurs and intelligence operatives who were versed in the art of clandestine operations, and they routinely got away with murder because they covered their tracks.
It is popular to assert that they were incompetent amateurs because they got caught -but Watergate was the exception. The criminal operations of former FBI and CIA agents Liddy and Hunt and their Cuban cohorts did not begin or end with Watergate -they were essentially career criminals who routinely sabotaged American domestic politics in the name of the national security. The fact that they broke into buildings, planted bugs, and photographed documents in effort to re-elect Nixon, is not evidence of a "third rate burglary" as it is commonly misrepresented. It is the tip of the iceburg.
John Dean did not betray Nixon, as is commonly asserted, he controlled the damage. The Nixon White House had managed to subvert independent disclosure by providing John Dean the opportunity to coach witnesses. When you are absolutely guilty, the best defence is to contain the consequences, and that is what John Dean did for Richard Nixon. Retired FBI agent Angelo Lano exposed the fact that the FBI investigation had been compromised when he said:
We had no idea that John Dean was getting the information. And what John Dean was doing with the information is circumventing our investigation. Every avenue that we tried, John was either there or was about to approach somebody -debrief them and I don't know exactly what he said to them -whether he told them don't say this or don't say that.16Working closely with acting director of the FBI Pat Gray, Dean cultivated a position where he selectively exposed only what he could not cover up rather than everything he knew. As Lano explains:
What was happening was, the acting director Pat Gray, insisted that certain material that we were gathering during the course of the investigation be made available to him either on a daily basis or every seven days, in the form of a report -and that report would consist of hundreds of documents. Unbeknownst to us, at the time it was happening, he was furnishing the results of interviews that were being conducted all across the country, as well as in the D.C. area, to John Dean. And of course, John Dean knew every step that we were about to take.17Those who claim that John Dean betray Richard Nixon do not understand the fact that he essentially protected him by putting on a show that effectively blocked a substantive probe of Richard Nixon's massive, criminal operations. Needless to say, the details that Dean did not expose were far more serious than the so-called "third rate burglary," the term commonly used to dismiss the seriousness of Watergate. The White House Transcripts, the New York Times release about the Watergate tapes, provide some insight about matters that Dean failed to disclose. In particular, an obscure quotation which ties him directly to the Kennedy assassination cover up, reads as follows:
Sept. 16. At a news conference, President Nixon says, would remind all concerned that the way we got into Vietnam was through.. the complicity in the murder of Diem.18This distortion which places blame for the Vietnam war on the assassination of Diem, (rather than on the Kennedy assassination which provided the opportunity to engage combat troops) betrays the organized deception that Howard Hunt also engaged, when he forged diplomatic cables to create the false impression that Kennedy had ordered the murder of Diem. The attempt to create false documentation to "prove" that assassination of Diem is responsible for American involvement in Vietnam war, was supposed to cover up the truth about the assassination of President Kennedy, but it has not.
Nixon always invented a delusion or a cover story to misrepresent actions like his obsession to reverse Kennedy's morally grounded foreign policy agenda and every explanation was contrary to reason. He called himself a peacemaker, but he waged war. The U.S. dropped more than 7 million tons of bombs on Indochina -nearly three times the tonnage dropped in World War II and Korea combined, and he bragged because...? He claimed that he never obstructed justice but he always did. He called himself a patriot but he deployed the tactics of a terrorist. He claimed the duty to protect the national security interests of the United States but he provoked the greatest constitutional crisis in American history. The following passage from his diary betrays the scope of his ignorance, hatred and intolerance:
When I saw some of the antiwar people and the rest, I'd simply hold up the "V" or the one thumb up; this really knocks them for a loop because they think this is their sign. Some of them break into a smile. Others, of course, just become more hateful. I think as the war recedes as an issue, some of these people are going to be lost souls. They basically are haters , they are frustrated, they are alienated-they don't know what to do with their lives.I think perhaps the saddest group will be those who are the professors, and particularly the young professors and the associate professors on the college campuses and even in the high schools. They wanted to blame somebody else for their own failures to inspire the students.His reference to Kent State and the so-called weak, pitiful professors who scrambled around Nixon for protection, betrays the psychosis of a deep and hopeless delusion. At Kent State, students who were protesting the war in Cambodia were confronted by National Guardsmen [or Nixon cronies in disguise] who calmly levelled guns, aimed and fired into a crowd of students. When it was all over, four students were dead, eleven were wounded, and Richard Nixon appears to be elated because he evidently thinks that Kent State betrayed "the weakness of the professors." It appears as if the hateful Richard Nixon was motivated by the obsession to make the cost of dissent very clear, but that is not what freedom is. Jeffrey Glen Miller, one of the victims, had reached the decision that he would never go to Vietnam to kill, and he wanted to make his intent clear. He was shot in the head. Bill Schroeder was a nineteen year old sophomore who was disgusted by the thought of the senseless killing. He was shot and killed. Sandra Lee Scheuer was filled with hope, humour and the will to live. She was shot and killed. Allison Krause was an honour student who despised the fact that Nixon had called anti-war demonstrators "bums." She was shot and killed. Richard Nixon was determined to prove that the Vietnam war was a moral and strategic imperative and anyone who did not agree was weak and deluded. he responded by defiantly escalating the bombing. Predictably, he responded to the Kent State massacre by blaming the protestors, and he made that very clear when he wrote, "When dissent turns to violence, it invites tragedy."20 There were about five hundred students and about one hundred National Guardsmen at Kent State. There was no legitimate reason to indiscriminately fire into a crowd of students without provocation. But as far as Richard Nixon was concerned, dissent was provocation. The students threatened to interfere with the bombing of Cambodia, and that "invited tragedy" that Nixon conveniently justified when he said: "Public opinion seemed to rally during the weeks after Kent State, when the military success of the Cambodian operation became increasingly apparent."21The astounding, relentless capacity to justify every brutality is overwhelming. Nixon cited his remarkable gallup poll, 65% approval rating and the pleasing survey which indicated that 58% blamed "demonstrating students" for Kent State while only 11% blamed the National Guard.22 In retrospect, 100% should have blamed Richard Nixon for all the violence because he was evidently behind every assassination. Nixon and his cronies were essentially criminals who were motivated by their national security-inspired delusions, and as far as they were concerned, Kent State was simply a public relations triumph.
The Watergate scandal forced Nixon to resign and most Americans thought they had heard the last of Nixon -well they had, but that was only because Nixon prudently kept a low profile -even though he continued to carry a big stick. As Nixon biographer Sam Anson has uncovered, Nixon has had an almost uninterrupted capacity to influence White House decision making. Code-named the Wizard, Richard Nixon had direct access to the Ford White House through an elaborate secret communication set up. Nixon's almost unbroken link to the White House was briefly interrupted by the Carter administration. He predictably loathed Carter because he wasn't fanatically anti-Communist.
When Reagan won the election, Nixon's white House power was omnipotent because Reagan was a hands-off President who gave Nixon and CIA Director, Bill Casey the opportunity to direct American foreign policy. Historian, Sam Anson described the incredible degree of influence that Nixon exercised over the Reagan White House when he said:
Nixon gets into his office every morning about 7:30. By noon he Will have made and taken 40 calls, most of them to Washington. First he calls the White House and talks to (presidential counsellor) Ed Meese, (national security adviser) Bud McEarlane, and President Reagan. Then he starts working the State Department. Everyone from (Secretary of State) George Schultz on down. He not only gives advice on foreign policy, but on politics in general. What he says is taken very seriously.23The tone of the Reagan era was set during the election campaign, when Ronald Reagan offered Casey the opportunity to be his campaign manager. Reagan was in awe of the intelligence spook who organized intelligence missions behind enemy lines for Eisenhower during World War II and as soon as Casey joined the campaign, Reagan said: "You're the expert Bill. Just point me in the right direction and I'll go".24 Richard Nixon, Casey's ideological twin, became the senior partner of the foreign policy that was shaped in the 1980's. Ronald Reagan was nothing more than a trusting subject who enthusiastically embraced the path that Nixon and Casey paved. Absolute loyalty defined the relationship between Casey and Nixon. In 1970, when anti-war demonstrators disturbed President Nixon, Bill Casey let it be known that anyone who opposed the war was misinformed and irresponsible. With Ronald Reagan in the White House, Bill Casey and Richard Nixon claimed the right to define the course of American foreign policy, and Casey'ds unswerving support for Nixon made it all possible.
Casey had even supported Nixon through the Watergate crisis when he wrote:
All of your friends, all of us who view you as a national asset with a historic mission, and the general public, want to pull all the political shenanigans behind us and get on with the vital things to be done.25The dirty tricks that these like-minded fanatics deployed to get Ronald Reagan are astounding, as betrayed in the book, October Surprise, which exposes the plot to delay the release of American hostages held in Tehran until after the election, to sabotage Jimmy Carter's prospect of winning the election. Vigorously denied, the allegation appears to be true, as suggested by an obscure New York Times story which exposed the fact that Reagan's campaign manager, who was presumably supposed to be planning Reagan's election strategy in America, was actually abroad. A brief item in the New York Times dated July, 30 1980, expsed the absence of Reagan's campaign manager in the following terms; "William Casey plans to open negotiations with the Right to Life group when he returns from a trip abroad."The Casey/Nixon agenda defined the Reagan years, and the so-called Reagan revolution was in fact a re-visitation of the lawless Nixon years. Accomplished in the art of plotting clandestine schemes, Nixon and Casey were ushered in an unprecedented reign of terror with a vengeance. Carter had interrupted the unfinished agenda of the Nixon White House and the first order of producing the dissent-free environment they demanded was the prompt "liquidation" priority target, John Lennon.
On December 2, 1980, Richard Nixon betrayed the pre-planned agenda of the Reagan White House in his book, The Real War, wherin he claimed confidence in "the background of those new policies that will now begin to emerge as the new administration takes office." Nixon's book paints the paranoid portrait of a nation waging an obsessive battle to win World War III, and he made himself the hero of this delusional mythology.
The home front of Nixon's so-called Real War was the realm of ideals and ideas, and according to the perversity he actively promoted "we will have to compromise some of our cherished ideals" as long as the battle is waged "in the name of that supreme priority."26 Having extolled the virtue of waging a covert, unethical war to support friends and destroy enemies, Nixon essentially justified his absolute commitment to do whatever was necessary, including the need to murder a "peacnik" like John Lennon, because in the words of Nixon's absolute delusion, "in World War III there is no substitute for victory."27 Committed to contain communism through the methods and means that totalitarian states deploy, Richard Nixon was the sort who was even able to assert that "senseless terrorism is often not as senseless as it may seem. To the Soviets and their allies, [and to those who deploy their tactics] it is a calculated instrument of national policy."28 This is the logic which made Richard Nixon believe that the calculation behind the Kent State massacre was legitimate, and that is what makes him and his cohorts the biggest terrorists in American history.
This is not speculation or a conspiracy theory, it is his defined rules of engaging his enemies, clearly proclaimed through his stated, absolute determination to do whatever was necessary in the multi-fronted effort to win World War III, and sponsoring the murder of a so-called trendy like John Lennon, was par for the course. In his own words:
If America loses World War III, it will be because of the failure of its leadership class. In particular, it will be because of the attention, the celebrity, and the legitimacy given to the "trendies" -those overglamorized dilettantes who posture in the latest idea, fount the fashionable protests and are slobbered over by the news media, whose creation they essentially are. The attention given to them and their causes romanticizes the trivial and trivializes the serious. It reduces public discussion to the level of a cartoon strip. Whatever the latest cause they embrace -whether antiwar, antinuclear, antimilitary, antibusiness -it is almost invariably one that works against the interest of the United States in the context of World War III.29Since Nixon believed that the murder of a "trendy" like John Lennon was absolutely vital to the successful prosecution of World War III, does anybody doubt his role in plotting the assassination of John lennon? Is anybody in fact that stupid? In Nixon's own terms, "in a less hazardous age we could afford to indulge the prancing of the trendies on the stage of public debate. But now our national survival depends on learning to distinguish between the meaningful and the meaningless."30 Has Richard Nixon convinces the world that the murder of John Lennon was "meaningful"?"The road to the murder of John Lennon had a long history of intrusive, illegal surveillance and harassment. In particular, the Nixon White House sought to "neutralize" Lennon's capacity to organize an antiwar movement and Hoover's FBI "policed" Lennon while the Immigration and Naturalization Service tried to deport him because of a 1968 conviction for possession of cannabis in London. The FBI surveillance of Lennon produced a stack of papers twenty-six pounds in weight, not to mention documents which remain classified or are "withheld in the interest of the national defense or foreign policy."31 In 1969, John Lennon protested the Vietnam war by organising bed-ins for peace. In his own words:
The point of the bed-in, in a nutshell, was a commercial for peace as opposed to war, which was on the news everyday in those days. Everyday there was dismembered bodies, napalm, and we thought, "Why don't they have something nice in the papers?"32A proposed bed-in in New York did not materialize, because, as Lennon recounted:
We tried to do it in New York but the American government wouldn't let us in. They didn't want any peaceniks, so we ended up doing it in Montreal and broadcasting back across the border.33Indeed, the effort to politically silence Lennon was less than accommodating and Lennon's lawyer exposed the full score when he told him that "if he did anything more along the lines of this anti-war rock and roll campaign he would almost certainly be immediately deported, but if he cooled it, through various legal manoeuvres, he might be able to stay."34 John Lennon did what he had to do to avoid being deported. At the same time, even though he was politically silenced, FBI harassment persisted and he appeared on the Dick Cavett show to expose the fact that he was being followed by the FBI and that his phones were being tapped. The FBI had indeed mounted a major offensive operation against Lennon, but many thought he was crazy and Lennon related the common scepticism in the following terms: "Lennon, oh you big-headed maniac, who's going to follow you around?" Most people did not understand or fathom the fact that Hoover's FBI did not have anything better to do. It was not until after the resignation of Richard Nixon that Lennon's immigration case was thrown out of court and in 1976, his Green Card finally came through. For the next four years, Lennon retired from all forms of public life, and in 1980, the self-styled peace advocate came out of retirement and prepared to mount a crusade to "turn the world on to peace." At the same time. Richard Nixon and Bill Casey were setting the stage for the Reagan declaration of war against Communism in Central America, and peaceniks like Lennon were caught in the crossfire.Reagan's foreign policy advocates prepared to satisfy the unfinished agenda of the Nixon White House and serious threats were promptly eliminated. The so-called lessons of the 1960's were very close to the hearts of "time warp patriots" who blamed the loss of the Vietnam war on the antiwar movement and they resented the influence of activists like Lennon to the point of paranoia. In short, Reagan's upcoming, anti-Communist crusade could simply not tolerate an invigorated John Lennon and "he had to be cut down before the reasons for his death became obvious: before Reagan took the oath of office on 20 January 1981, before the world realized that Lennon was coming back to being the old Lennon, the man who sang Give Peace A Chance.35
In 1969, the Vietnam war had prompted the largest anti-war demonstrations in the history of the United States and young people who rallied around Lennon's protest songs had infuriated the Nixon White House. Kent State massacre was immediately followed by protesters who circled the White House and chanted "all we are saying is give peace a chance" and Richard Nixon was obviously prepared to do the exact opposite, in 1980.
when Nixon was President, Hoover had dispatched his political police to "initiate discreet efforts to locate subject [John Winston Lennon] and remain aware of his activities and movements." Hoover died less that a year after the Republican convention in 1972, and Lennon's murder in 1980 was merely a product of "unfinished business".
An obvious casualty of the Nixon navigated, Reagan revolution, the dominance of Richard Nixon's influence is not doubted by anybody. Even Reagan noticed the fact that Nixon's extraordinary White House authority practically exceeded that of the official President. After leaving the White House, the Reagan's were disturbed by what they perceived to be "Reagan Bashing" by the Bush team, and it was Nixon who contacted Bush's Chief of Staff, to intercede on behalf of Ronald and Nancy Reagan. "Nixon made the call, telling Sununu that attacking the Reagans was counterproductive for the White House. For whatever reason, the attacks stopped".36 Nixon did not physically occupy the White House, but "the replica" was indeed the actual source of White House power. When Richard Reeves interviewed Richard Nixon in his "exile sanctum" in New York in 1980, his apartment was arranged like the Oval Office. "The flags, the couch, the chairs were just like it..." Indeed, Richard Nixon was so obsesses with his role-play, that when the interview was concluded, he escorted Reeves to the supplies closet "because the closet door in the faux Oval Office was in the same place as an exit in the real Oval Office."37 It is therefore clear and obvious that the ultimate leader of the powerful, unaccountable, parallel government within-a-government that Oliver North operated was Richard Nixon himself -which probably explains the public controversy between Oliver North and Ronald Reagan. The secret government "was believed to have grown out of a group Mr. Casey set up during the final weeks of the 1980 presidential campaign, called the October Surprise Group.38 Casey and Nixon were evidently full of surprises and on the very day that the press headlined the announcement that a "local screwball" murdered Lennon, the political backdrop was the innocuous headline, Reagan set to announce cabinet.
The claim that John Lennon was the target of a political assassination is not original. In 1989, Fenton Bresler, an intelligent British Barrister wrote a book called The Murder of Lennon, and he raises many of the serious questions about Lennon's murder that have been almost totally ignored. In particular, he convincingly argues that Mark Chapman, Lennon's assassin was brainwashed by the CIA. Indeed, all the "traditional" motivations that are ascribed to Mark Chapman are relatively absurd compared to Bresler's analysis.
On December 17, 1992, Chapman was interviewed on Larry King Live, and that was certainly an eye opener in terms of exposing the real Mark Chapman. In a nutshell, Chapman reflected the demeanour of a cold, dispassionate, methodical, cold blooded murderer. In particular, Chapman ascribed a phoney motivation to account for Lennon's murder, and that is certainly the mark of a cover up. On the one hand, Chapman claimed that he "was so bonded with Lennon" and on the other, he boldly asserted that he "struck out at something he perceived to be phoney, and that extraordinary contradiction, reflects duplicity, deception and the fact that Mark Chapman was not a "lone nut", he was a consensus fanatic like Richard Nixon.
The most striking, consistent element in the short adult life of Mark Chapman is his affiliation to the YMCA. Indeed, he had given serious consideration to applying himself to a career with the International Division of the YMCA. When he was arrested, one of the few items that Chapman left "on display" for the police to find was the following letter of recommendation from David Moore, then stationed at the Geneva office of the World Alliance of YMCAs:
TO WHOM IT MAY CONCERNThis is to introduce Mark Chapman, a staff member of the U.S. International Division of the National Council of YMCAs. Mark was an effective and dedicated worker at the refugee camp in Fort Chaffe Arkansas following the mass influx of refugees after the change in governments in Indo-China in the spring of 1975. Mark was also the youth representative to the Board of Directors of the YMCA in his home town in Georgia. Mark will be visiting YMCAs in Asia and Europe and we look forward to his visit here in Geneva. I can commend him to you as a sincere and intelligent young man. Any assistance that you can give Mark during his travels will be greatly appreciated by this office.39It is certainly not an exaggeration to assert that the YMCA was essentially Mark Chapman's surrogate family. But what is more significant however is the mysterious, troubling implications of the fact that Chapman was not a "lone nut." In 1967, Ramparts Magazine exposed the fact that the CIA used students to gather information from abroad and in the 1970's and 1980's, the CIA was evidently using YMCA patrons as spies. Philip Agee, the first-known CIA defector blew the cover on the CIA/YMCA link, and Mark Chapman's YMCA link was evidently too substantial and too "political" to preclude a CIA link as well. In 1975, Mark Chapman, the vehemently anti-Communist Southerner applied to represent the YMCA as a counsellor in the Soviet Union, but that bid was denied because Chapman did not speak Russian. Instead, Mark visited Lebanon, where, according to radio commentator, Mae Brussell, the CIA maintained training camps for assassins at the time.40
Whether Chapman was a trained CIA assassin or not, his Beirut experience had a profound impact on his life, and following narrative indicates that Mark's harrowing overseas experience produced a very deep, psychological impact which was ripe for exploitation:
June 1975 seems to have been the first time that Mark heard gunfire, the whizzing of bullets, bombs bursting nearby and the screams of people in pain and dying. It etched deep into his consciousness. This "gentle" man, who hated violence, came back from Beirut with a cassette recording that he had actually made of the barbarous sounds of warfare. He played it time and again to anyone in Atlanta who would listen. Says Harold Blankinship: "He played us this recording he had made in his hotel room at the YMCA in Beirut of all the fighting going on. You could hear the shooting, etc. That could have affected him. He was real up-tight about it, I know that." Whether intentional or otherwise, Lennon's future killer had indeed been "bloodied" in war-torn Beirut.41The violence of war-torn Lebanon was Chapman's first, it wasn't his last firsthand look at the miserable dislocation that war produced. After Beirut, Chapman worked with Vietnamese refugees in Fort Chaffee, Arkansas, where the YMCA was setting up services to accommodate them. Since the fall of Saigon, hundreds of thousands of Vietnamese fled to the United States and in the eyes of "time warp" patriots, antiwar activists [phonies] like John Lennon were directly responsible for that particular "mess." And so, Mark Chapman, who travelled the world at the behest of the CIA-linked YMCA, was ripe for exploitation -he was an ideal brainwash victim -he had witnessed firsthand the world disorder that so-called phonies like John Lennon were responsible for. Indeed, Mark Chapman dabbled in the philosophy of "time warp" patriots who blamed the 1960's for every ill in society, and that sort of mentality is transmitted from "patriot" to receptive ear, it did not develop in Chapman alone.
Since he murdered John Lennon, Mark Chapman boasted: "I murdered a man. I took a lot more with me than just myself. A whole era ended. It was the last nail in the coffin of the '60's."42 After killing his target and simultaneously satisfying the paranoia of "time warp patriots" who are in a perpetual war against the so-called 1960's, Chapman did not flee the murder scene, he calmly started to read his copy of The Catcher in the Rye when amazed New York City police officers arrested him. Chapman obviously wanted to get caught -the implication being that he would plead guilty and the Lennon case would close without investigation. Over the years, when asked why he murdered Lennon, Chapman would direct attention to the book The Catcher in the Rye. That in turn, directs attention towards patriots like George Herbert Walker Bush, who claim to have been most influenced by the books War and Peace and The Catcher in the Rye.43 The Catcher in the Rye is about a "crusade against phoneyness" and Mark Chapman, who used the assassination of Lennon to promote the book, claimed that he was motivated by Holden Caulfield, the book's sixteen-year-old "crusader". In a nutshell, Holden Caulfield hated phonies and Mark Chapman's crusade against a "phoney" like Lennon was "ideologically" aligned with the agenda of overzealous "patriots" who were occupied by the obsession to neutralize the influence of popular antiwar activists. In the awkward words of Mark Chapman: "I have a small part in me that cannot understand the world and what goes on in it. I did not want to kill anybody... I fought against the small part for a long time. I'm sure the large part of me is Holden Caulfield. The small part of me must be the Devil."44 Seeking to activate the "big part" of Mark Chapman, his "handlers" could have easily exploited his evident compassion for children and made him believe that "phonies" like John Lennon were ultimately responsible for the horror and the dislocation of war. Friends and associates made a point of having observed a very close bond between Mark Chapman and children, and that certainly provided the opportunity to exploit his Achilles heel. In the words of Mark Chapman: "I never wanted to hurt anybody my friends will tell you that. I have two parts in me the big part is very kind, the children I worked with will tell you that."45 Chapman struggled to avoid hurting Lennon but his "big part won" and he took his gun out of his coat pocket and shot Lennon in the chest, in the left arm and in the head. Mark Chapman had evidently mustered up the courage he required to satisfy the agenda of patriots who considered themselves to be exempt from the normal restraint of the law, because in their eyes, the "big picture", the "big part", the national security interest or whatever else they chose to call it, was essentially a license to kill -and John Lennon was clearly a priority target.
In the final analysis, the terrifying reality is that the impressionable Mark Chapman is just one of hundreds of thousands of young people who are not appreciably distinct, in the absence of the "exposure" they receive. Under the circumstances, since Chapman travelled the world as a guest of the YMCA, it is reasonable to expect the organization that sponsored Chapman's psychologically harrowing adventures to assume at least some responsibility for the extraordinary mental transformation -from Mark Chapman, the compassionate young man, to Mark Chapman, the awkward, reluctant assassin who had to be prodded, to murder John Lennon.
If one looks at the foreign policy direction of the Reagan White House, it is glaringly obvious that "patriots" like Bill Casey and Richard Nixon were steering the course. Clearly, the "invisible prints" of the clandestine, foreign policy strategists who coordinated the entire intelligence apparatus of the government to mount a fierce, unprecedented war against dissent, belong to Casey and Nixon. Richard Nixon made that absolutely clear in The Real War, when he wrote: "I am confident that President Reagan and the members of his administration will have the vision to see what needs to be done and the courage to do it. Nixon's confidence obviously stemmed from the fact that Reagan's inclination to mount an anti-Communist crusade provided zealots like himself the opportunity to use the "acting President" to promote their vision. The Reagan/Bush years are certainly distinguished by the fact that "patriots" were routinely granted license to ignore the law as long as the intended consequence was to advance the President's anti-Communist crusade. The law was routinely violated in the process, and blatant, illegal acts of terror targeted domestic dissidents at home, and entire countries, abroad. Clearly, the CIA deployment of mines in the harbours of Nicaragua was an illegal act of war, and it is not possible to ignore the fact that the Reagan administration routinely disrespected and disregarded the law. Moreover, the paranoid, Nixon assertion that "we will do whatever is necessary" to win World War III, is a clear reflection of the violent, ominous assault that was deployed, to "neutralize" any influential activist who did not think like Richard Nixon's patriots. In the final analysis, the deaths of the people that Nixon targeted were as predictable, as they were tragic. Clearly, The Real War that Nixon waged produced Real Casualties, and "patriots" like Richard Nixon and Bill Casey were directly responsible for slaughter. One of the premises of The Real War was that the need to win on the battlefield was as vital as the need to control the public opinion arena, and the compromise of every worthy American ideal was deemed to be acceptable.
After Mark Chapman hammered the so-called final nail in "the coffin of the '60's", Richard Nixon had the audacity to write a book called The Real Peace, and he was so excited about it that he privately printed and distributed it to more than 100 government officials, journalists and friends, before it was published by Little, Brown & Co. Ronald Reagan was officially the President of the United States, but time evidently warped when Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger stood before a battery of microphones in Washington to brief reporters about their "brain-dead" vision for peace and democracy in Central America. Nixon had just finished testifying before Kissinger's National Bipartisan Commission on Central America (no, Kissinger was not Ronald Reagan's Secretary of State), and one can safely assume that like any predictable ideologue, Nixon simply disseminated propaganda. He certainly did not expose the inspiration behind The Real Peace: Did he get the idea to disparage the word "peace" before or after John Lennon was murdered?
In retrospect, one can confidently state that Richard Nixon always targeted his enemies and he always managed to cover up the entire truth about his covert schemes, and since he rose to national prominence through successfully framing Alger Hiss, his positive track record bodes an ominous threat to all of his political enemies. Bill Clinton, the current President of the United States, is certainly the current, primary target of the Nixon agenda, and one can safely assume that he planned to destroy him through the so-called Whitewater scandal. As long as Reagan was the President, Richard Nixon, the cerebral commander-in-chief was able to exercise power, and in 1987, he personally extolled the virtue of "attack politics" in effort to make Robert Dole the next President.46 When Dole failed to win the Republican nomination, George Bush was an acceptable alternative -until Bill Clinton defeated him and became the President of the United States in 1992, and Richard Nixon was deeply offended. In particular, the Democrats lambasted the "decadent" 1980's, and Richard Nixon, who was extremely proud of his so-called "enlightened decade" was absolutely infuriated, and it was only a matter of time before Nixon developed a plan to destroy Clinton -the so-called Whitewater scandal. Indeed, Richard Nixon, the "patriot" who subscribed to the diabolical "assassinations formulae" -destroy your enemies through derogatory fabrication if possible, kill them if necessary, was certainly capable of producing and prone to manufacture a scandal like Whitewater. Nixon may no longer be around to advance his agenda, but "residue zealots' like Gordon Liddy are evidently still seeking to re-elect a Nixon clone. Appearing on Nightilne, on August 25, 1994, Liddy still sounds like he is engaged in a life and death struggle against communism and claimed that Bill Clinton, Hillary Clinton and Fidel Castro were the only communists left in the world. Given the obsession and the paranoia that still prevails, Canadian political commentators like Dalton Camp place the so-called Whitewater scandal in perspective when they say. "There can't be much doubt the purpose of Whitewater is to put Clinton off his agenda -notably, health care, which threatens so many powerful interests -and no better way than to flatten Hillary Rodham Clinton in the bargain".47 But despite the obvious facts that Dalton alludes to, an aggressive anti-Clinton crusade repeatedly draws false parallels between Whitewater and Watergate, and evidently seeks to cripple the Clinton presidency in the process. According to Senator Al D'Amato, who spoke to the press on March 8, 1994:
It would seem to me, that with all of the attempts to stop a special prosecutor at first and now to stifle Congress from its legitimate role, which is to oversight of these committees, and then to say oh you' re interfering with our job, that smacks of what took place with Watergate.Senator D'Amato is either an extremely ignorant man or he has deliberately engaged a highly sophisticated, illegal plot to cripple the Clinton presidency. Either way, he certainly devalues the American Senate. If one wants to draw a parallel between Watergate and Whitewater, one can credibly say that Nixon [who never failed to target his political enemies] was evidently behind both scandals, but one can certainly not suggest that there is the slightest bit of significance in the reluctance to highlight manufactured allegations.The effort to reform the nation's health care system produced the most ambitious social legislation to face Congress since the civil rights legislation of the 1960's, and if history provides reliable insight, it also produced a violently ambitious opposition. In the battle to reform or not to reform, "Dole craft" [Nixon sponsored?] has thus far prevailed. During the election of 1992, Bush opposed a national health care plan, and while that is not surprising because George Bush routinely rejected Democratic initiatives, one should not ignore the fact that "patriots" like Bush traditionally deploy illegal tactics to deny the political will of their "enemies". Like Richard Nixon, George Bush was motivated by contempt for the opposition, and his "do nothing" domestic agenda diametrically opposed the "do everything" refrain of reform. The basic tactic of a "patriot" like George Bush is to snatch power away from the Democrats because, in his own words, "to accomplish things, you have first got to beat down the Democrats."48 Iran-Contra certainly exposed the fact that George Bush belonged to a sleazy cabal of "patriots" who proved that "powerful people with powerful allies can commit serious crimes and get away with it", and that certainly does not bode very well with doubting Bush's capacity to pervert the law. Indeed, when George Bush was the vice president, fellow "patriot" Oliver North operated a powerful, parallel, unaccountable government, and Bill Casey had instituted a domestic propaganda apparatus that fulfilled the perversions of deluded spies and provocateurs who routinely targeted their perceived enemies. Oliver North may have evaded Congressional oversight by shredding the bizarre truth about the domestic, propaganda apparatus that routinely perverted the law in the 1980's, but the bizarre unfolding of the so-called Whitewater scandal strongly suggests that the diabolical plots of clandestine, political operatives, have survived the Reagan/Bush years. Indeed, given the fact that Whitewater reflects absolutely nothing [in terms of how it has unfolded] beyond a triumph of propaganda, one can safely assume that clandestine, political operatives, are busily defining the Whitewater agenda. The implications of the "timely" unfolding of the Whitewater witch hunt are certainly very clear. During Clinton's first major foreign policy encounter, for example, the President received favourable press coverage in Brussels, Prague, Kiev and Moscow over his handling of affairs, but reporters at home ignored the nature of his trip and questioned him about Whitewater. The politically motivated scheme frustrated the President, and even if the press was not a conscious participant in the effort to embarrass Clinton, history clearly demonstrates how easy it is to manipulate the press through "handing out" the news.
If George Bush is a party to a sophisticated propaganda machine which seeks to manipulate public opinion, the press will certainly never report the fact -that kind of news is not handed out. Bush seldom, if ever, makes a casual disclosure, he is always very deliberate. In August of 1994, prior to speaking to reporters, Bush defined his restrictive ground rules when he said: "You'll waste your time if you ask me about American politics or Canadian politics, because I don't do interviews [on politics]."49 Enough said. George Bush obviously knows more about American "patriots" than he does about American politics, and the world of clandestine plots is evidently the primary "political arena" that "patriots" like George Bush acknowledge. In 1992, during his bid for a second term as President, Bush repeatedly questioned Bill Clinton's character, judgment and patriotism for opposing the Vietnam war and vigorously promoted the claim that Clinton was not fit to be the commander-in-chief because he was not a "patriot". Since 1980, when Bill Casey brought former covert operatives out of retirement, "patriots" enjoyed an uninterrupted, 12-year long period of domestic sabotage and spying that was sanctioned by the White House, and Bush-style intelligence zealots who equated "patriot" and "fit to govern", were obviously not very pleased by the election of Bill Clinton. The independent-minded public servants that Bill Clinton recruited did not stroke the fantasies of the "patriots" and they consequently became the targets of what can only be described as a plot to "realign" the White House. The sinister implications of the cloak-and- dagger clash between secret warriors and independent, dedicated public servants, are extremely repugnant and repulsive, but they are not surprising. George Bush is not even in the White House, yet all of his friends are on the offensive, while all of the President's are on the defensive. Roger Altman was recently forced to resign, simply because he allegedly failed to give a full accounting of Treasury Department contacts with the White House -and what was the "contact" about? It was about the so-called Whitewater scandal -the fraudulent, anti-Clinton assault which has been sustained through a covert, semi-government, semi-private witch hunt. Bernard Nussbaum resigned because he failed to discourage contact between the White House and the Treasury Department -that's right, contact about Whitewater. Vincent Foster was murdered [or he conveniently committed suicide] to deprive the President of a friend, an independent public servant, an adviser and a Whitewater expert. In the meantime, the media has made George Bush's friends the new spokespeople of America. On June 13, 1994, Ed Meese, a staunch Bush ally, appeared on Nightline to proclaim that the President of the United States is not above the law and that Paula Jones, a Clinton accuser, deserved a prompt, delay-free day in court to air her frivolous [because they are obviously politically motivated] sexual harassment charges. Sounding like he personally represented Jones and that every word that ever came out of her mouth was an absolute fact, Meese certainly exposed his ignorant, extremely overbearing, anti-Clinton crusade. Perhaps Meese, the ultimate hypocrite, should acknowledge the fact that he was the Attorney General when Bill Casey revived illegal, covert operations that targeted American citizens and if George Bush had not pardoned criminal "patriots" who covered up the sinister truth about their routine tendency to pervert the law, Meese would probably be serving a life sentence for treason.
There is evidently no shame and no limit to the pro-Bush, anti-Clinton witch hunt that is now called Whitewater. On August 5, 1994, a Federal appeals panel replaced independent Whitewater counsel Robert Fiske Jr., with Kenneth Starr, a former Bush administration solicitor general. Fiske's investigation had found no basis to accuse the Clinton White House of criminal wrongdoing, and the politically motivated panel of judges that appointed Starr was evidently so disappointed by the failure to "criminalize" the Clinton White House that they granted Starr the authority to re-investigate Bill Clinton. But history dictates the fact that politically motivated men are not judges, they are, as Judge Jim Garrison aptly demonstrated, criminals in legal garb. Judge David B. Sentelle, for example, who cast the deciding vote in the three-judge panel that appointed Starr, is responsible for overturning the convictions of Oliver North and John Poindexter, obtained by independent prosecutor Lawrence Walsh. If Sentelle is so keen on throwing out convictions, then why is he seeking to "criminalize" the Clinton White House? In retrospect, the fact that Sentelle is simply a national security motivated "patriot" is too obvious to deny, and the fact that George Bush's friends have a perverse concept of law and order, should certainly not determine the course of justice in America.
1Richard Powers, Secrecy and Power: The Life of J. Edgar Hoover, p.301.
3Richard Nixon, The memoirs of Richard Nixon, p.58.
5Robert Groden and Harrison Livingstone, High Treason, p.419. 6Richard Nixon, The memoirs of Richard Nixon, p.252.
8LIfe, August 23, 1968, p.2.
9Richard Nixon, The memoirs of Richard Nixon, p.308.
10John Ehrlichman, Witness to Power, p.156-57.
11Richard Nixon, The memoirs of Richard Nixon, p.234.
12Michael Drosnin, Citizen Hugnes, p.480.
13The New York Times, The White House Transcripts, p.831.
14Richard Nixon, The memoirs of Richard Nixon, p.832.
15Conspiracy, Anthony Summers, p.418-9.
16Arts and Entertainment Channel, The Key to Watergate, 1992.
18The White House Transcripts: The full text of the Submission of Recorded Presidential Conversations to the Committee on the Judiciary of the House of Representatives by president Richard Nixon With an introduction by R.W. Apple Jr. of The New York Times, 1974. p.815.
19Richard Nixon, The memoirs of Richard Nixon, p.685.
20C.L. Sulzberqer, The World and Richard Nixon, p.165.
21Richard Nixon, The memoir
The Murder of Marilyn Monroe
M arylin Monroe was under lockstep surveillance. She hung around a diverse crowd that included un-Americans like Arthur Miller and she was essentially J. Edgar Hoover's personal reality TV star even before the concept existed.
In 1972, actress Veronica Hamel and her then husband became the new owners of Marilyn Monroe's Brentwood home. When they hired a contractor to replace the roof and remodel the house the contractor discovered a sophisticated eavesdropping and telephone tapping system that covered every room in the house. The components were not commercially available in 1962, but were in the words of a retired Justice Department official, "standard FBI issue." The new owners spent $100,000 to remove the bugging devices from the house.
J. Edgar Hoover, who refused to acknowledge the existence of the Mafia because he used it to declare a private sector war against Communism, deployed all the necessary resources to spy on un-American targets, especially hollywood stars; Marylin Monroe's entire house was therefore bugged -audio and video. It is consequently no surprise that, like Jack Ruby, the guy who bugged Marilyn Monroe's house also died in prison, and the rumor that her murder was actually videotaped, was therefore never proved in a court of law.
Lockstep surveillance precludes the possibility that the truth about Marilyn Monroe's murder was anything beyond a deliberate cover up under the absolute control of J. Edgar Hoover, and the same can be said about the murder of Martin Luther King Jr. Indeed, according to Harold Weisberg, who was the most informed expert in the US, the evidence against James Earl Ray had been amassed and bundled up, not after, but before King was shot, and it is therefore clear that the nature of fate of James Earl Ray was akin to silencing the man who bugged Marilyn Monroe's home.
We respectfully suggest that if Hoover's FBI wanted to impose lockstep surveillance to monitor the activities of targets like King and Monroe, then it was also the duty of Hoover's FBI to provide lockstep security.
Marylin Monroe's fate was sealed over the fact that her wide circle of acquaintances included mobsters like Johnny Roselli. Angry at the Kennedys for giving the Mafia a hard time, he constantly bragged about "friends in high places" who were going to knock Kennedy off. These assassination rumors invariably disturbed Marylin Monroe, and in retrospect, it is more than reasonable to assume that her frantic attempt to warn the Kennedys was violently thwarted.
Like Marilyn Monroe, Roselli's knowledge regarding the assassination of John F. Kennedy sealed his fate. In 1975 Frank Church and his Select Committee on Intelligence Activities interviewed Roselli about his relationship with the secret services and the next year, his body was found floating in an oil drum in Miami's Dumfoundling Bay. He had been garroted. Roselli's legs had been sawed off and squashed into the drum with the rest of his body.
Jack Anderson, of the Washington Post, interviewed Roselli just before he was murdered, and Roselli had said, "When Oswald was picked up, the underworld conspirators feared he would crack and disclose information that might lead to them. This almost certainly would have brought a massive US crackdown on the Mafia. So Jack Ruby was ordered to eliminate Oswald."
We are forever astounded by the lack of knowledge that surrounds the Kennedy assassination. Take the ignorance which surrounds Jim Garrison. Jim Garrison was not the truth seeking crusader that Oliver Stone created. Jim Garrison was a corrupt, New Orleans District Attorney who gave the Mafia free reign in New Orleans. His tactic was very simple. By busting low level criminals, Jim Garrison gave the Carlos Marcello Mafia network the opportunity to dominate the rackets. At the same time, the punks he put behind bars created the impression that he was an aggressive, competent, law enforcement official.
A former G-man, Jim Garrison was forever loyal to tactics that J. Edgar Hoover practised on the national level. Both men were Mafia assets and they both used the Mafia to suit their own, peculiar interests.
By the late 1960's, Kennedy assassination critics had successfully exposed the absurdity of the "single bullet theory" and two out of three Americans did not believe the preposterous claim that Oswald had acted alone. When the Warren Commission Report was discredited, Jim Garrison burst upon the trail of the assassination critics with the bold assertion that he knew exactly who had murdered John F. Kennedy and that it was a matter of days before he exposed the entire plot -down to naming every single assassin. Jim Garrison did not merely hog media attention surrounding the Kennedy assassination, he became the entire media circus and used his law enforcement assets to "put the squeeze" on witnesses who knew Oswald. In essence, he treated every Kennedy assassination witness the way Ken Starr treated witnesses like Susan McDougal; Tell the truth and I'll prosecute you for perjury, tell me what I want and hear and receive a 'get out of jail free' card.
Jim Garrison was a real piece of work; He makes Ken Starr's excesses look like Boy Scout pranks. He used the Grand Jury to harass and intimidate Oswald's acquaintances, and those who knew too much, died like Roselli. David Ferrie, for example, was obviously murdered, but like Marilyn Monroe, he allegedly committed suicide. Not surprisingly, David Ferrie dies while he was under under Jim Garrison's protective custody. Sound familiar? Okay, I'll spell it out; Marilyn Monroe was essentially under J. Edgar Hoover's "protective custody".
Reports that Oswald had Ferrie's library card in his possession on the day that he was arrested refused to go away, and David Ferrie's death conveniently denied confirmation.
In retrospect, having connected all the dots, it is clear and obvious that John F. Kennedy was murdered because he planned to pull out of the Vietnam war, "win, lose or draw", by 1965, and the power commanded by the tight-lipped group that ultimately prosecuted this undeclared war, secretely vetoed the President's agenda; Men like Lyndon Johnson, McGeorge Bundy, Dean Rusk, and Robert McNamara. These men were all emotionally invested to the belief that, the national security of the United States was tied to winning the Vietnam War, Kennedy was the only practical obstacle who stood in the way of their obsession and that is why they supported the plot to have him assassinated.
In retrospect, the plot to assassinate JFK was an open secret that involved, not only some of the men in his own administration, but also J. Edgar Hoover and Richard Nixon. In the early 1960's Richard Nixon presided over Operation 40, a Central Intelligence Agency-sponsored undercover operation which was active in the United States and the Caribbean (including Cuba), Central America, and Mexico. It was created by President Dwight D. Eisenhower in March 1960, after the January 1959 Cuban Revolution. The group included Frank Sturgis and Howard Hunt, and whent Nixon used these Operation 40-style assets to target his domestic, political enemies, he was impeached.
Despite all the "assets" that were ready and willing to assassinate President John F. Kennedy, most were merely low level operatives. Having failed to assassinate Castro, despite their best efforts, it was well understood that a plot as sensitive as the murder of an American President demanded a more foolproof plot. Consequently, foreign assassins were ultimately recruited. They were ushered in and out of the country, for the "traceless kill". The assassins were flown from Marseilles to Mexico City. They were then driven to the US border at Brownsville, Texas. They crossed the border using Italian passports and they were picked up on the American side by a representative of the Chicago Mafia, with whom they conversed in Italian. After being driven to Dallas, they were set up in a safehouse so as to not leave any hotel records.
If this sounds confusing, understand this. The Kennedy assassination controversy has been dominated by cover up artists. If you haven't spent at least 20 years uncovering the truth, you should be confused. But rest assured that every single word in this report is verifiable and every single denial is shrouded in secrecy, deceit and outright fraud. This is the simple, unvarnished, indisputable truth.
Three witnesses confirm the fact that Lovelady was with them on the steps of the Depository, William Shelley (6H328), Sarah Stanton (22H647), and Wesley Frazier (22H675). But in the WCH, Shelley testified under oath that Lovelady was SITTING DOWN on the top step directly in front of Shelley, and that is why the man pictured in the Doorway is not Lovelady, and J. Edgar Hoover knew it. Even Lovelady claimed that he was with Shelley. Moreover, Lovelady worked on the 6th floor of the Texas School Book Depository, and he was an eyewitness to the fact that the shots came from "across the street" and not from the Texas School Book Depository. So any way you look at it, Lovelady proves that Lee Harvey Oswald did not act alone.
desperate effort to discredit Exhibit #1, McAdams & Company
published a 1971 photograph of Lovelady, to demonstrate the fact that
his hairline matched the dark shadows around the forehead of the man in
the doorway. McAdams is so desperate to convince the world that the man
in the doorway is actually Lovelady, that his picture of Lovelady
boasted the following caption: "Shape of Lovelady's hairline matches
The pictue that McAdams produces does not even have a hairline. The
hairline is shaved off to mimick dark shadows around the forehead of the
man in the Doorway. Don't forget that the picture of the man in the
doorway is too fuzzy, to accurately determine the actual shape of the
hairline of the person in the Doorway. Regardless, without a moments
delay, McAdam groupies immediately began to post messages drooling over
the "photographic evidence" that McAdams produced, and they thanked the
"master" so profusely, that if all this was not made for the consumption
of the ignorant and the gullible, then John McAdams is the sort of
academic who deserves a Nobel Prize, simply because he has a following
that drools over every single word he utters. Despite his groupies,
McAdams has to be the only person in the world, who can identify a
person from a hairline that does not even exist. It is no wonder that
John McAdams has developed the reputation of being the laughing stock of
the entire Internet. Clearly, this is one crackpot who has worked very
hard, to earn his reputation. Needless to say, John McAdams never
fails to be absolutely predictable -he attacks everything and everyone
who exposes the truth about the assassination of John F. Kennedy. And if
that is not what you call a cover up, then Lee Harvey Oswald acted
alone. And so did Jack Ruby. And so did John McAdams, who never fails to
target every single, reasonable, Kennedy Assassination website. Please
do not drool over simple common sense because it's just a factoid. We
are not supposed to speculate, we are supposed to drool over the
absolute brilliance of a crackpot or a cover up artist like John
McAdams is a prolific, Kennedy assassination cover up artist who has developed his own lexicon and his own fan club. A 'factoid' is a simple truth that needs to be fraudulently modified, to cover up the truth about the assassination of John F. Kennedy. A McAdams groupie, and there are literally dozens of them who post messages in newsgroups, are the people who drool over every single fraudulent modification. And there is absolutely nothing more and nothing less to John McAdams or to anybody who defends the reputation of the fraud artist who covered up the truth about the Kennedy assassination. More on Mcadams
Distorting the photographic evidence
The first step to creating the false impression that Oswald was on the
6th floor of the School Book Depository was to distort the Altgens photograph.
Clearly, it is not possible to remove a face or faces from the area of the
doorway of the TSBD unless the Altgens photo was deliberately defaced as it was.
6th floor of the School Book Depository was to distort the Altgens photograph.
Clearly, it is not possible to remove a face or faces from the area of the
doorway of the TSBD unless the Altgens photo was deliberately defaced as it was.
Oswald and Lovelady were both in the doorway.|
Police evidence proves that both Lee Harvey Oswald and Bill Lovelady were at the doorway at the same time, when Kennedy was shot, because they both identified Bill Shelley, who was standing in the doorway with them.Mr. BALL - Who was with you?
Mr. LOVELADY - Bill Shelley and Sarah Stanton, and right behind me...
Mr. BALL - What was that last name?
Mr. LOVELADY - Stanton.
Mr. BALL - What is the first name?
Mr. LOVELADY - Bill Shelley.
Mr. BALL - And Stanton's first name?
Mr. LOVELADY - Miss Sarah Stanton.
Mr. BALL - Did you stay on the steps
Mr. LOVELADY - Yes.
Mr. BALL - Were you there when the President's motorcade went by
Mr. LOVELADY - Right.
Mr. BALL - Did you hear anything?
Mr. LOVELADY - Yes, sir; sure did.
So you see, the evidence is conclusive, and Oswald's claim about the phony backyard photos is precedent because
it explains the process of cutting Billy Lovelady's face and pasting it over Oswalds and then blanking out Lovelady
in the original. That would explain every anomaly, including the fact that Billy's shirt isn't as unbuttoned as it
is in the Altgens photo. Needless to say, if Lee Harvey Oswald was on the 6th floor shooting the President he would
would not be aware of the fact Bill Shelley was standing in the doorway with Lovelady, when John F. Kennedy was shot.
it explains the process of cutting Billy Lovelady's face and pasting it over Oswalds and then blanking out Lovelady
in the original. That would explain every anomaly, including the fact that Billy's shirt isn't as unbuttoned as it
is in the Altgens photo. Needless to say, if Lee Harvey Oswald was on the 6th floor shooting the President he would
would not be aware of the fact Bill Shelley was standing in the doorway with Lovelady, when John F. Kennedy was shot.
"Mr. Nixon in the last seven days has called me an economic ignoramus, a Pied Piper, and all the rest. I've just confined myself to calling him a Republican, but he says that is getting low."Nixon falsely claimed that the first he heard of Kennedy's death was during a taxi ride in New York City, however, a UPI photo reveals the truth. The photo shows a "shocked" [HIS Dealy Plaza, 'hobo' act] Richard Nixon. Having already learned of Kennedy's assassination upon his arrival at New York's Idlewild Airport --BEFORE his alleged taxi ride, the feigned surprise reaction is clearly a glaring deception. Perhaps, Richard Nixon does not want us to know who picked him up at the airport, who he talked to or what he said, but he doesn't have to lie to us.
Many researchers have linked Richard Nixon to the assassination of John F. Kennedy because his outright lies, the secrecy and his selective amnesia is very telling. For example, as H.R. Haldeman indicates in his book, "The Ends of Power", Watergate was ultimately about a shocking scandal that preceded a simple burglary, and as Haldeman indicates:
In fact, I was puzzled when he [Nixon] told me, 'Tell Ehrlichman this whole group of Cubans [Watergate Burglars] is tied to the Bay of Pigs.' After a pause I said, 'The Bay of Pigs? What does that have to do with the Watergate Burglary?' But Nixon merely said, 'Ehrlichman will know what I mean,' and dropped the subject.It is now quite clear and obvious that the Watergate burglars were tied to the murder of John F. Kennedy, and Haldeman does not mince words when he says, "It seems that in all of those Nixon references to the Bay of Pigs, he was actually referring to the Kennedy assassination."
History is one big lie because we fail to expose the truth.
In his memoirs, Nixon said that "the factual truth [about Watergate] could probably never be completely reconstructed, because each of us had become involved in different ways and no one's knowledge at any given time exactly duplicated anyone else's." Richard Nixon was wrong.
High level obstructions of justice within the FBI made the Watergate investigation superficial, but the cover up ultimately exposed the truth. The Kennedy assassination investigation is no different because, having successfully obscurred what Nixon called "the factual truth," high level obstruction of justice within the FBI made the Kennedy assassination investigation an absolute whitewash, and the cover up is the crime. Indeed, the factual truth that Richard Nixon's estate is still trying to block, is no longer in doubt.
History is one big lie, when we fail to expose deception, time has a way of exposing all the factual truths that Richard Nixon thought he had buried.
First and foremost, we need to clearly appreciate the fact that Richard Nixon's greatest shortcoming was not Watergate, but his direct involvement in the domestic, assassination plots of the 1960's.
Indeed, it is a documented, proven fact that Nixon's cronies plotted outright political murder (Jack Anderson was lucky to survive.) He was scheming to have people beaten up. He associated with mobsters. Nazi propaganda films were being shown in the White House. His men schemed to burglarize Republican headquarters and blame it on the Democrats. They schemed to plant McGovern campaign literature in the apartment of Art Brehmer, the would-be assassin of George Wallace, and the evidence strongly suggests they probably even schemed to assassinate Ted Kennedy, and after having failed, they blamed the fortunate survivor for the death of unintended victim, Mary Jo Kopechne.
Indeed, Nixon's memoirs are littered with evidence that as far as he was concerned, Chappaquiddick was nothing more than an election issue, it had nothing to do with a tragic murder. To quote Richard Nixon directly:
In the short term, I knew that Chappaquiddick would undermine Kennedy's role as a leader of the opposition to the administration's policies. In the longer term, it would be one of his greatest liabilities if he decided to run for President in 1972.It was clear that the full story of what had happened that night on Chappaquidick had not come out, [how did he know, did his plan misfire?] and I suspected that the press would not try very hard to uncover it. Therefore I told Ehrlichman to have someone investigate the case for us and get the real facts out. [we all know what that means in Nixon-speak.] "Don't let up on this for a minute," I said. "Just put yourself in their place if something like that happened to us." In fact, our private investigator was unable to turn out anything besides rumors.Needless to say, the truth was damaging to Richard Nixon, because if it wasn't, he would not have to rely on rumors about Chappaquiddick, for political advantage. The truth is, Nixon feared another Kennedy candidacy and Chappaquiddick was Richard Nixon's failed attempt to assassinate yet another political rival. Howard Hunt and Frank Sturgis were seen in Martha's Vineyard during the weekend that Mary Jo Kopechne died, and it is therefore safe to assume that the intended victim was in fact, Ted Kennedy. Richard Nixon was right, the entire truth was never exposed. If it was, his Watergate burglars would have been charged with murder, for the collateral death of Mary Jo Kopechne.
In 1980, when Ronald Reagan was asleep on the wheel and Richard Nixon pulled the strings, the cloak-and-dagger comeback kid claimed the life of John Lennon in a 60's style execution where a well placed patsy took all the blame. It happened with John F. Kennedy, it happened with Martin Luther King, it happened with Robert F. Kennedy, and as long as Richard Nixon was the cloak-and-dagger comeback kid, it happened with John Lennon.
The truth about Richard Nixon is routinely and aggressively distorted to justify every assault against a Democratic Party that is supposed to roll over and play dead, whenever the Conservative media flexes its political muscle.
In 2000, when Republican rioters managed to subvert the fair opportunity to challenge the election and used the Supreme Court to certify a dishonest count, they piously claimed that unlike Al Gore, Richard Nixon had graciously conceded in 1960.
The fact is, despite Nixonian tacticians like Karl Rove, Nixon DID NOT quickly concede the election to Kennedy. In true Nixon style, he was very careful not to put a public imprimatur on the concerted Republican effort to challenge the election results, but Richard Nixon actively encouraged it.
True to Nixon fashion, a conservative journalist and close Nixon friend, Earl Mazo, of the New York Herald Tribune, launched a press frenzy over possible voter fraud. [Mazo became Nixon's official biographer] and not only did Republican senators like Thruston Morton ask for recounts in 11 states just three days after the election, but Nixon aides Bob Finch and Len Hall personally did field checks of votes in almost a dozen states.
The Republicans obtained recounts, involved U.S. Attorneys and the FBI, and even impaneled grand juries in their quest to get a different election result. A slew of lawsuits were filed by Republicans, and unsuccessful appeals to state election commissions routinely followed.
Indeed, thanks to these overzealous efforts to prove otherwise, the popular claim that Kennedy stole the election in 1960, is absolutely fraudulent, and it is quite ironic that Karl Rove justified stealing election 2000 by claiming that John F. Kennedy did the very same thing in 1960.
We have all heard the popular claim that Sam Giancana won the election for John F. Kennedy, but that proved to be an erroneous conclusion. Sam Giancana may have supported Kennedy's re-election bid, but he did not influence the result. As a matter of fact, in Illonois, the final recount showed that Nixon's votes had been undercounted by 943 -- yet, in 40 percent of the rechecked precincts, it turned out that Nixon's vote had been overcounted. (Contrast this with Gore, whose vote total steadily climbed during the Florida recount.) Unhappy with the results, Republicans went to federal court, where their case was dismissed. They then appealed to the State Board of Elections, which also rejected their claims. It was not until Dec. 19 -- over a month after the election -- that the national Republican Party backed off its Illinois claims.
Similar results, and extended fights, took place in Texas and New Jersey among other states. In Hawaii, Republican efforts had the unintended result of reversing the state's electoral votes from Nixon to Kennedy.
Officially speaking, Richard Nixon removed himself from the fray, but he always had his hand on the trigger, and the suggestion that he conceded graciously in 1960 is pure misrepresentation.
The mainstream media occasionally paints a fair portrait of Richard Nixon. When the New York Times periodically exposes the fact that Nixon was somewhat "crazy" -- immensely intelligent, well organized and experienced, but at moments of stress or personal challenge unpredictable and capable of the bloodiest brutality" it exposes the genuine truth, but the fact that Richard Nixon was essentially a cold-hearted butcher who was capable of anything, has not been given the due it deserves. Clearly, it is utter madness to suggest that it is possible to understand anything about Richard Nixon if we ignore the fact that he consistently climbed over the dead bodies of his enemies, and it is time to unravel what Nixon called factual uncertainty, because his conclusion was based on a profound misunderstanding regarding the power of a reasonable, historical assessment.
It is not possible to make sense of Richard Nixon's life and to simultaneously ignore the fact that the Kennedys were always the target of the manevolent conspiracies he enthusiastically embraced. In the Watergate tapes of March 13, 1973, between 12:42 and 2pm, John Dean made a cryptic half-comment about Ted Kennedy's involvement in the accident at Chappaquidick, saying, "If Kennedy knew the bear trap he was walking into--"
What "bear trap" was Ted walking into? What did John Dean know, and when did he know it?
There are all kinds of hints about all kinds of treacherous operations that Nixon routinely engaged in a covert manner, but the crime that he was most heavily involved in, is the assassination of President John F. Kennedy.
What is quite clear, despite all the secrecy and the deliberate amnesia, is that Richard Nixon was in the thick of every aspect of the Kennedy assassination, from foreknowledge [he fled the crime scene just before the assassination] to the silly deceptions of his criminal cohorts, Frank Sturgis and Howard Hunt, to the dealmaking with Kingmaker, J.Edgar Hoover, Richard Nixon did not miss a beat. Everything was planned, staged, rehearsed and delivered in a manner that left nothing to chance.
Indeed, when Kennedy was murdered in 1963, Nixon did not oppose Johnson's political candidacy because Kingmaker Hoover called the shots, and feigned "continuity" with the Kennedy administration demanded a single, viable political candidate -Lyndon Johnson. If the obsession to cover up the Kennedy assassination did not dominate, Nixon would have opposed Johnson in 1964 and would have campaigned on the fear-mongering claim that Kennedy was soft on Communism. After all, despite Richard Nixon's persistent demands, John F. Kennedy refused to invade Cuba, and that is the only "pretense" that Nixon needed, to oppose Johnson in 1964, unless of course, the facts that we are not supposed to know about, are carefully considered.
Secrecy and deception distorts history and the need to determine the truth demands an objective, impartial and thorough analysis. In particular, it is folly to ignore the deception behind the assassination of Nixon's arch rival, John F. Kennedy.
Frank Sturgis, Howard Hunt and Richard Nixon had a huge steak in the assassination of John F. Kennedy, and that is why they were in Dallas during, before and after the Kennedy assassination [their combined effort in terms of off-site and on-site involvement is well recorded] and while they may not remember exactly where they were when Kennedy was shot, they did not have to because they were arrested in Dealy Plaza.
Not surprisingly, in 1976, Frank Sturgis claimed that the assassination of John F. Kennedy had been organized by Fidel Castro and Che Guevara. Like J. Edgar Hoover and Richard Nixon, who instantly [November 22nd, 1963] claimed that Lee Harvey Oswald, the Communist, was responsible for the assassination of John F. Kennedy, the telling diversions of Kenedy assassination co-conspirators and cover up artists speak for themselves.
Hunt had been a CIA employee in 1963, Sturgis, was not a CIA employee, but he had been involved in CIA-related activities, but as Watergate has aptly demonstrated, they were essentially "independent contractors" who worked with like-minded fanatics like Richard Nixon, they did not have a legitimate, official capacity. Richard Nixon's close association with J.Edgar Hoover was also an unofficial capacity that made it difficult to unravel all the secrecy and deception that is responsible for giving them the opportunity to get away with all the planning, the execution and the plot to cover up the truth about the assassination of John F. Kennedy.
Howard Hunt's longterm connection to Frank Sturgis and Richard Nixon reflects the motley crew of Kennedy assassination co-conspirators who are repeatedly called suspects because there is good reason to be suspicious. Indeed, their subsequent, "Watergate" involvement provides a good insight into the scope and the nature of their operations, and as history betrays their consistent modus operandi, the fact that Howard Hunt and Frank Sturgis were escorted through Dealey Plaza by Dallas police officers, on November 22nd, 1963, provides clear and convincing evidence about their involvement in the assassination of John F. Kennedy. Like Richard Nixon, they were both front row, active participants in the plot to neutralize the Kennedy agenda, and the impatient firing squad executed the primary target when all the ducks were in a row [over the obsession to prosecute the Vietnam war].
It is difficult to trace these assassins but it is not impossible, despite the fact that Howard Hunt thinks that he is a real operational genius because he was off-site when he coordinated the physical break-in to the Democratic national party headquarters office at the Watergate hotel. They all tried to cover their tracks, but who can possibly imagine allowing the Kennedy assassination to go forward, without the enthusiastic support of Nixon cronies like Frank Sturgis and Howard Hunt? It is simply "un-patriotic" to suggest that they were not in the thick of the plot to assassinate the President, and if they did not fear criminal prosecution, they would have actively bragged about their contribution. Indeed, when Fidel Castro gained control of Cuba, Sturgis formed the Anti-Communist Brigade, and his gun-runnig activity in Cuba was a part of the initial activity that eventually morphed into the obsession to murder Kennedy because he was deemed to be soft on Communism. In particular, when President Kennedy began to talk about Vietnam in terms of being a civil war rather than a vital, American, the use of deadly force, to settle issues that were considered to be military rather than political, was not even an issue, hense the need to assassinate President John F. Kennedy was not seriously challenged.
These three men were directly involved in the assassination of John F. Kennedy. The attractive, no-nonsence, GQ model-lookalike is Charles Harrelson the contract killer who looked out of place, in the company of the shabbily dressed, imposter hobos, Frank Sturgis and Howard Hunt.
The disjointed picture of Frank Sturgis, Howard Hunt and Charles Harrelson is quite comical. As Howard grimaces and Sturgis sports his shabby pants, the carefree, catwalk strutting Harrelson stands in stark contrast, probably because the independent contractor did not care to act or dress like a hobo imposter.
Charles Harrelson, the third tramp, was a contract killer and according to Jack Anderson, whom Nixon tried to have killed, he was involved in the assassination of John F. Kennedy. Harrelson is believed to be one of the gunmen behind the picket fence on the Grassy Knoll. Harrelson was one of the three tramps arrested in Dealey Plaza on 22nd November, 1963, along with Frank Sturgis and Howard Hunt. In 1992, the Dallas Police Department claimed that the three tramps were Gus Abrams, John F. Gedney and Harold Doyle, but the photographic evidence proves otherwise. In 1968 Harrelson was convicted of the murder of businessman, Sam Degelia, in a contract killing in South Texas. After serving time he was released, and in 1979 Harrelson was paid $250,000 by drug dealers to assassinate Federal Judge John H. Wood. On 29th May, 1979, Wood was shot dead, the first federal judge to be murdered in the 20th century.
When he was arrested for murdering a federal judge he confessed to being one of the gunmen who shot at President John F. Kennedy. He later withdrew this confession, but the admission is more credible than the denial. He received two life sentences for the murder of Wood in a criminal investigation which proved to be more expensive than the investigation in the assassination of President John F. Kennedy.
In 1995 Harrelson attempted to break out of Atlanta Federal Prison. He was recaptured and moved to Florence Administrative Maximum Penitentiary in Colorado.
Charles Harrelson is also a former Jack Ruby Strip Bar Bouncer, and if that doesn't push all the skeptics over the fence, nothing ever will. In retrospect, if Jack Ruby could not rely on the man who committed paid murders for the mob, it is because Charles Harrelson had met his quota for November, 1963.
Chuck Cook, a reporter for the Dallas morning news interviewed Harrelson on the judge Wood case and subsequently asked him about his claims of murdering the President. Cook said that Harrelson ‘got this sly little grin on his face, Harrelson is very intelligent and has a way of not answering when it suits him.’ At a later interview Cook brought the subject up again and at that point Harrelson became very serious, Cook quoted Harrelson as saying "Listen, if and when I get out of here (prison) and feel free to talk, I will have something that will be the biggest story you ever had" and added "November 22, 1963. You remember that!". Most of the time, when Harrelson has been questioned with regard to the assassination he has emphatically denied it, but Cook showed the photos of the three tramps to Harrison’s wife Jo Ann Harrelson who was "amazed at the similarities." Indeed, even aging has not affected the resemblance.
It is not really certain whether Harrelson was successful in his mission to kill the President. He could have fired the shot that missed. What is absolutely certain is that he was with Howard Hunt and Frank Sturgis at the scene of the crime, that Nixon was evidently an off-site operative and 'Watergate' is merely an act that includes many crimes, including the assassination of John F. Kennedy.
The battle between Nixon loyalists and Nixon targets is still a huge factor in American politics. When Bill Clinton was elected President, Nixon loyalists adopted the mantra "if the press can impeach Nixon, the press can impeach Clinton" and they stuck to it, to provoke the greatest constitutional crisis since Watergate. Nobody blamed the media because former Nixon spies like Lucianne Goldberg are no longer called spies, they are called "the media", and the phony distinction between the "Liberal" media and the "Conservative" media has become a license to distort the truth without the need to act like a treacherous spy. Why pretend to be a journalist to spy on your opponent, when you can call yourself a "Conservative journalist" and lie about your opponent with impunity? In actual fact the media should not be "Liberal" or "Conservative", it should be reliable, but when Richard Nixon was forced to resign, he blamed the liberal media for his predicament and he spent the rest of his life cultivating the power to do the same to his enemies.
The climax of the plot to impeach President Clinton was April 1, 1998, when Dick Morris foamed around the mouth on national television and vehemently condemned what he called, the "Nixonian creep that we have seen in the Clinton White House." Dick Morris called himself a journalist, but in fact, he was acting like Lucianne Goldberg who had pretended to be a journalist in the 1970's, because she was trying to gain political advantage for Richard Nixon.
Moreover, the very same money that was responsible for backing Richard Nixon in the 1970's was responsible for attacking Bill Clinton, and a memo dated May 12, 1971, from Charles Colson to H. R. Haldeman, identified the long-standing, finanial, Scaife/Nixon relationship. According to the memo: "...Dick Scaife is feeling very down on the administration at the moment. Inasmuch as Scaife has been one of our biggest financial backers, I think we need to consider perhaps some unusual steps to rebuild relationships."
Thankfully, Richard Nixon's financial backers did not make him President of the United States, in 1960, because he would have probably invaded Cuba and triggered a nuclear war with the Soviet Union, in the process. As a matter of fact, that is exactly what Richard Nixon advised Kennedy to do. In his own words, speaking to Kennedy about Cuba, Richard Nixon said, "I would find a proper legal cover and I would go in. There are several justifications that could be used, like protecting American citizens living in Cuba and defending our base at Guatanamo. I believe that the most important thing at this point is that we do whatever is necessary to get Castro and communism out of Cuba." Fortunately, John F. Kennedy was the President of the United States, in 1960.
Unfortunately for the President however, Richard Nixon and Lyndon Johnson were reading from the same page, regarding the obsession to prosecute the Vietnam war, and that became absolutely clear when Richard Nixon did not challenge Johnson's political candidacy in 1964. In other words, while Lyndon Johnson publicly promised to maintain the Kennedy agenda, he had privately reached a secret deal which Nixon, and that was the real, credibility gap of the Johnson White House. Needless to say, Nixon did not oppose Lyndon Johnson in 1964 because his choices were determined by the "politics" of the Kennedy assassination. Everybody who had a hand in the plot to assassinate Kennedy had his role defined for him, Richard Nixon did not have unilateral authority over a diverse, group efort. If that were the case, he would have opposed Lyndon Johnson's political candidacy in 1964, but he did not.
Case Closed: Charles V. Harrelson was found Dead in his cell of "natural causes" on March 15, 2007, just days after E. Howard Hunt confessed to being one of the three tramps photographed in Dealey Plaza. Harrelson reportedly died very suddenly, in his sleep, giving those who are so inclined, the opportunity to deny the obvious.According to California Private Investigator, Paul Kangas, and he is one of the best, FBI documents prove that Jack Ruby had been an employee of Richard Nixon since 1947. Jack Ruby was allegedly listed as working as a spy & hit man for Nixon. On November 22, 1963 Ruby was seen by a women who knew him well, Julian Ann Mercer, approximately an hour before the arrival of JFK's motorcade, unloading a man carrying a rifle in a case at the Grassy Knoll from his car. Ruby was later seen on national TV killing a witness who could link Nixon and Johnson to the killing of JFK. Richard Nixon was Vice President from 1952 until 1960 and is credited with planning Operation 40, the secret 1961 invasion of Cuba. The glove fits.